Search results for "ᵐba"

ɬaᵐbah n. leaf feuille (6 groups, 17 languages) D
This root is attested in some languages in the Mandara Mountains area. There is a fair degree of variation in the forms, and some parts of the reconstruction are provisional. Not all of the forms cited are necessarily cognate. It is possibly related to the root *ɬɨmɨɗ 'ear'.

1Proto-Daba *gʷaɬak leaf feuille 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gʷɑɬɑkʷ wide leaf used for wrapping things feuille large qui sert à l'embalage 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gʷɑɬɑk leaf feuille

2Proto-Mafa *ɮaᵐbaj, gamɬak leaf feuille 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɮaᵐbaj feuille de mil 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gamɬak leaf feuille

3Proto-Mandara *ɬɨbahɨ leaf feuille 3.1) Matal (Branger) babaɬ ahaf leaf feuille 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɮə́baha,-ə feuille 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬapa feuille (f), papier (m) 3.4) Dghwede (Frick) lbaxa leaf

4Proto-Mofu *ɬaᵐbah leaf feuille 4.1) Mada (Nkoumou) ɮbah j elle légume, feuille 4.2) Moloko (Friesen) aɬaᵐbah leaf feuille 4.3) Zulgo (Haller) ɬàᵐbah feuille f. 4.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɬaᵐbah leaf feuille 4.5) Merey (Gravina) ɬaᵐbah leaf feuille 4.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɬaᵐba leaf feuille 4.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) bāɬāh feuille

5Proto-Maroua *haɬaɓ leaf feuille 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) haɬaɓ feuilles du mil

6Proto-Gidar *gaɬᵐba leaf feuille 6.1) Gidar (Schuh) gaɬ ᵐba/a feuilles 6.2) Gidar (Hungerford) gaɬaᵐba feuille
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ᵐba v. able (be) pouvoir (7 groups, 14 languages) A
This is the regular verb 'to be able'. A final *n is found in Sharwa, Gemzek and Kirya, but is not part of the original root.

1Proto-Bata *ᵐba able pouvoir 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) ᵐba(m) be able, master 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) ᵐban Capable

2Proto-Daba *ᵐbaj able pouvoir 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) ᵐbāj connaître, capable

3Proto-Hurza *ᵐba able pouvoir 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵐba can pouvoir

4Proto-Mandara *ᵐba able pouvoir 4.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ᵐba faire attention; savoir (faire)

5Proto-Mofu *ᵐba able pouvoir 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ᵐbì être capable, pouvoir 5.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ᵐbàkò pouvoir 5.2) Zulgo (Haller) ᵐbà (áhə́r) vaincre, surpasser; pouvoir, avoir la faculté de 5.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) maᵐbana (be) able (être) capable 5.4) Merey (Gravina) ᵐba faja (be) able (être) capable 5.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) maᵐbij hafaŋ know how to savoir (être capable de) 5.5.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) maᵐbij fahaŋ (be) able (être) capable 5.6) Merey (Gravina) ᵐba able pouvoir

6Proto-Higi *ᵐba able pouvoir 6.1) Kirya (Blench) ᵐbànə́ to be able to, can 6.2) Bana (Lienhard) ᵐbà(j) savoir faire (doit être suivi par pronom obj.)

7Proto-Gidar *ɨbapa able pouvoir 7.1) Gidar (Hungerford) əbapa savoir (être capable de), pouvoir
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ᵐbaɮa nm. beer bière (7 groups, 14 languages) A syn: ɣʷɨzɨm, vɨhʷ.
This is one of three widespread roots for 'millet beer'. It may be cognate with the Kanuri ᵐbal. If so, it is more likley that the Kanuri borrowed from Central Chadic than vice versa. If the word was borrowed from Kanuri, the change *l
→ɮ would have been natural at the time of Proto-Central Chadic when *l was not a phoneme in the language. *l developed in Proto-Central Chadic North as a result of the regular change *rl, so if the word was borrowed into Central Chadic after that time the change would have been unnatural. For this reason it is more likely that this is a native Central Chadic root.

1Proto-Daba *ᵐbaɮa beer bière 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ⁿdaɮa corn beer bière de maïs 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) ᵐbàɮāʼ le vin non-filtré, la bière épaisse

2Proto-Sukur *mɨpaɮɨ beer bière 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) məpaɮə beer; is the general term for beer.

3Proto-Mandara *ᵐbaɮa beer bière 3.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) ᵐbaɮa vin (m), toute boisson alcoolisée 3.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ᵐbadhla, hʷa, wuʃike alcoholic beverage (beer, wine)

4Proto-Mofu *ᵐbaɮa beer bière 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ᵐbàɮà bière épaisse ; (mouyangué) 4.2) Muyang (Smith) ᵐbɑɮɑ white wine vin blanc 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbaɮa white wine made in the village fabriqué au village 4.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbaɮa 4.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) ᵐbàɮà bière de mil chaude 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ᵐbaɮa bière de mil chaude

5Proto-Maroua *ᵐbaɮa beer bière 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ᵐbaɮa la bière du mil, vin 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ᵐbaɮa bière de mil blanche épaisse

6Proto-Higi *ᵐbaɮɨ beer bière 6.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) baɮə wine 6.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) bàɮə̀ local wine. 6.2) Bana (Lienhard) ᵐbèɮ(ì) bière de mil blanc, vin blanc

7Proto-Gidar *ᵐbaɮa beer bière 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) ᵐbaɮa bière non-tamisée
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ᵐbatuɓ n. baobab baobab (4 groups, 6 languages) C syn: kʷɨkaɗ.
This root is far less widespread than *kʷɨkaɗ. It is problematic in that it contains a back vowel, and back vowels were not present in Proto-Central Chadic. It must be assumed that this root was either coined in Proto-Mafa, or else was borrowed into the languages of the Mandara Mountains at an early stage.

1Proto-Daba *matuɓ baobab baobab 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑtɑɓ baobab tree baobab 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) matu ɓ baobab tree baobab

2Proto-Mafa *ᵐbota baobab baobab 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ᵐboto-ᵐbótá baobab 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbaataj baobab tree baobab

3Proto-Sukur *ᵐbutɨ baobab baobab 3.1) Sukur (David) ᵐbutə tree, baobab

4Proto-Mofu *ᵐbaataɓ baobab baobab 4.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) máataɓ baobab 4.1.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ᵐbáataj baobab (Gudur)
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bana v. to wash laver (13 groups, 34 languages) A
This root is unusual in that it contains *b. There was a general change from Proto-Chadic *b to *v in Proto-Central Chadic, but this root appears as an exception to this change. The change of the medial *n to /r/ in the Mandara and Mofu groups is a regular change in the Mandara group, but in the Mofu group the data from other roots is less consistent and the change is unestablished.

1Proto-Bata *binɨ wash laver 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) binən Se laver ;

2Proto-Daba *ban wash laver 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver, laver 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn wash utensils laver la vaiselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ wash (tr) laver 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ bathe (intr) se laver 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) pān se laver ; soulever

3Proto-Mafa *pana wash laver 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) pán se laver 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash clothes laver (habits) 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) pana bathe (intr) se laver 3.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash (tr) laver

4Proto-Sukur *banvɨ wash laver 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) banvə bathe:- to wash a body with water.

5Proto-Hurza *bana wash laver 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash laver 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash clothes faire le linge 5.1.2) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash oneself se laver 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 1 wash laver_(se) 5.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 2 wash laver 5.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 3 bathe baigner

6Proto-Mandara *bara wash laver 6.1) Matal (Branger) màpàlàj wash laver 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pará 1 laver 6.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bárga bathe, wash oneself 6.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) báɾga wash (clothes, utensils)

7Proto-Mofu *bara wash laver 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ laver qqch 7.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēréŋ wash sthg laver 7.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ anaŋ laver qqch 7.1.3) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraká laver; laver la saleté de... 7.1.4) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bārāká laver de; laver la saleté de... 7.1.5) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāríjà wash(os) se laver 7.1.6) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēríjà se laver 7.1.7) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraha laver; laver (vaisselle, habit) 7.1.8) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāráhá laver ; s´éclairer 7.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑbɑ wash_out laver quelque chose à l'intérieur 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑfəŋ wash out a recpient laver les saletés d'un récipient 7.2.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑj wash ; baptise laver; se laver; baptiser 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) mabalafaŋa laver (habits, vaisselle) 7.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) mábàlá se laver (baptiser) 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) balaj wash in general mot général pour laver 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) bara bara bo laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) bara laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere laver 7.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.6.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere peteke wash clothes laver (habits) 7.6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara bara bo wash (tr) laver 7.6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara wash (tr) laver 7.7) Merey (Gravina) bara bo bathe (intr) se laver 7.7.1) Merey (Gravina) bara wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (zana) wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (tasahaj) wash utensils laver (vaisselle, ustensiles) 7.8.3) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej wash (tr) laver 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mépə́réj laver 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pər (se) laver, (se) baigner,

8Proto-Maroua *buna wash laver 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun laver, se laver, se baigner; laver le vêtement (bruit de lavage); laver 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun se purifier - grâce au rite de purification la femme a fait des rites pour avoir des enfants 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun wash (tr) laver 8.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun bathe (intr) se laver 8.2.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) buna wash clothes laver (habits) 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ban laver

9Proto-Higi *pi wash laver 9.1) Psikye (Angelo) pe wash 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) se laver, se baigner

10Proto-Kotoko Island *benu wash laver 10.1) Buduma (McKone) benuə; bəan bathe (intr) se laver 10.2) Buduma (McKone) benu laver. 10.3) Buduma (McKone) benuə wash (tr) laver

11Proto-Kotoko North *ᵐban wash laver 11.1) Mpade (Allison) ᵐban bathe (intr) se laver 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) ᵐbari bathe (intr) se laver

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *ban wash laver 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) bɨ̀nì bathe (intr) se laver 12.2) Mser (Allison) ban bathe (intr) se laver

13Proto-Kotoko South *bana wash laver 13.1) Zina (Odden) bànà bathe (intr) se laver
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beli nm. razor rasoir (6 groups, 12 languages) Loan cf: pɨɗakʷ ʸ.
This root is borrowed from Kanuri, in some cases via Fulfulde, and is found in languages covering a wide spread of the north and east of the Central Chadic area. The *l is not a native Central Chadic phoneme. It was introduced in the North sub-branch of Central Chadic by a general change from *r to *l. All the languages using this root are from this sub-branch, so no adaptation of the *l was necessary. The vowel *e is also absent from Proto-Central Chadic and many of the languages cited. In the case of Mbara, this has been re-analysed as the palatalisation prosody.

1Proto-Margi *bel razor rasoir 1.1) Bura (Blench) bel Razor

2Proto-Mandara *bila razor rasoir 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) bilà tondeuse à cheveux (f), le rasoir (m)

3Proto-Mofu *bila razor rasoir 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bīlá canif ; rasoir ; couteau 3.2) Zulgo (Haller) bijilá rasoir (m.) à grande lame 3.3) Mofu North (Barreteau) bila rasoir? 3.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) bílá (empr. ful.) rasoir, couteau très tranchant

4Proto-Kotoko North *bila razor rasoir 4.1) Afade (Allison) bil razor rasoir 4.2) Mpade (Allison) bìl razor rasoir 4.3) Malgbe (Allison) bila razor rasoir

5Proto-Kotoko Centre *bel razor rasoir 5.1) Lagwan (Allison) bel razor rasoir 5.2) Mser (Allison) bel razor rasoir

6Proto-Musgum *bala ʸ razor rasoir 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) bele razor couteau à raser

7Kanuri béli /// bélì razor rasoir

8Fulfulde (Noye) beliihi razor rasoir
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d v. to cook préparer (13 groups, 37 languages) A cf: tɨsaw, sɨwra.
This is the generic root for 'to cook'. The devoicing of *d to *t in the Margi and Higi groups is a regular change. The Malgwa root /gʲa/ is due to a regular general process where palatalised alveolar consonants become palatalised velar consonants.

1Proto-Daba *da cook préparer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) cook (faire) cuire, cuisiner 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ̄ wɛ́ⁿdʒɛ̀k bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəduda prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəda bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) préparer la nourriture ; éclater 1.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) s'emploie, si on répète les paroles d'un autre, à la fin de la citation

2Proto-Sukur *dɨ cook préparer 2.1) Sukur (David) cook, to 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) cooking; is the general term for cooking.

3Proto-Hurza *da cook préparer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) da cook préparer

4Proto-Margi *ta cook préparer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ta To cook (certain foods for first time) 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) ti To cook 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ta to cook 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a cook (tuwo, miya etc.) 4.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a get done (food)

5Proto-Mandara *da cook préparer 5.1) Matal (Branger) mataj cook préparer 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) cuire 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gja cook 5.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tá káfa prepare (food to cook)

6Proto-Mofu *da cook préparer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) prepare food préparer le manger 6.2) Muyang (Smith) di make, do, cook in a pot; sing préparer; chanter 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) médè cuire (faire-, préparer de la nourriture), coucher (se-pour le soleil) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) de cook préparer la nouriture 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) da cuire 6.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) de cuire 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mede cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.7) Merey (Gravina) da prepare (food to cook); cook (v) préparer; préparer (la nourriture); (faire) cuire, cuisiner 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) madaj cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *t cook préparer 6.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) métēj (faire) cuire, préparer 6.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) t ́ (faire) cuire, préparer (un repas, un sacrifice) ; chauffer

7Proto-Maroua *di cook préparer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) di préparer, cuire, cuisiner 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) di daf prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) di préparer (nourriture)

8Proto-Lamang *da cook préparer 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) da cook

9Proto-Higi *ta cook préparer 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ta cook 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ta cook 9.3) Kirya (Blench) cook 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) také cook 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) cuire, préparer dans l'eau ou dans beaucoup d'huile

10Proto-Kotoko North *da cook préparer 10.1) Mpade (Allison) dá (lɨ) básù roast rôtir

11Proto-Kotoko South *udo cook préparer 11.1) Mazera (Allison) udo cook (v) (faire) cuire, cuisiner

12Proto-Musgum *di cook préparer 12.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) di cuire (une sauce) 12.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tii cook cuire

13Proto-Gidar *ɨda cook préparer 13.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨda, əda préparer, cuisiner, (faire) cuire
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daw n. millet mil (4 groups, 7 languages) A syn: hɨjɨ, vɨjaw.
The presence of a number of different roots for this most basic of subsistence crops indicates that the Central Chadic peoples were not originally subsistence farmers. The prenasalisation of *d in Mbuko is a common but sporadic process. The root may have originated in Mafa and spread to neighbouring languages. However, the root is also found in Mbazla, which is currently not in contact with the other languages represented, and the path of contact with this language needs to be established.

1Proto-Mafa *daw millet mil 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) daw mil (nom gén.) 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) daw millet (rainy season) mil (saison de pluies)

2Proto-Hurza *ⁿdaw millet mil 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ⁿdaw millet mil

3Proto-Mofu *daw millet mil 3.1) Zulgo (Haller) daw mil m. 3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) daw millet mil 3.3) Merey (Gravina) daw millet (rainy season) mil (saison de pluies)

4Proto-Maroua *daw millet mil 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) daw mil
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dɨɣʷɨvan nm. leopard panthère (5 groups, 13 languages) D
The general sense of the root is 'leopard', though in Dugwor, Mbazla and possibly Merey the root is part of a compound, implying that it may have a different or more generic meaning. The root itself is difficult to reconstruct. The *n to r change in the Mofu group is regular. The loss of *ɣʷ is normal, though often the labialisation component remains in some form. In the Bata group the labialisation has transferred to *v.

1Proto-Bata *dɨgɨvʷa leopard léopard 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) dəgəvʷan La panthère 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) digvʷa panthère, léopard 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dəgəva la panthère

2Proto-Sukur *dɨgʷavak leopard léopard 2.1) Sukur (David) dəgʷavak leopard léopard 2.2) Sukur (David) duguvu hyena hyène 2.3) Sukur (Thomas) dəgʷavak leopard

3Proto-Mofu *dɨvar leopard léopard 3.1) Zulgo (Haller) də̀var panthère f., léopard m. 3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dəvar panthère 3.3) Merey (Gravina) dəvar panthère 3.3.1) Merey (Gravina) dəvar dzidzege leopard léopard 3.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) dəvar j peɬ leopard léopard 3.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dəvá Léopard ("panthère")

4Proto-Maroua *dɨvaŋ leopard léopard 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) dəvaŋ garak léopard 4.1.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) dəvaŋ lion

5Proto-Higi *dɨɣʷava leopard léopard 5.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dəɣʷava leopard 5.2) Psikye (Angelo) ɗəgʷava hyena hyène 5.2.1) Psikye (Angelo) dəgʷava hyena hyène 5.3) Bana (Lienhard) d(ə̀)ɣʷàvà panthère
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dɨr v. to burn bruler (5 groups, 10 languages) A
This word denotes the complete burning of an object until it becomes ash. All of the groups represented except the Mafa group are from the North sub-branch, and we would expect to find *l rather than *r in these languages. However there are exceptions in the Mandara and Lamang groups, which may be due to a later unestablihsed change from *l to /r/. The change *r to l in Cuvok is a regular feature of the language, as is the change *l to r in Moloko.

1Proto-Mafa *ⁿdar burn bruler 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ⁿdár- brûler (faire du charbon de bois, cuire) 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdala burn brûler

2Proto-Mandara *dɨrɨ burn brûler 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) déré brûler (brûler complètement), carboniser

3Proto-Mofu *dɨl burn bruler 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dālāj burn brûler plusieurs fois 3.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) də̄l burn brûler 3.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) də̄l cuire la poterie 3.2) Moloko (Friesen) dar burn, grill until it becomes ash for making potash and pottery; jusqu'à ce que ça deveiens du cendre pour faire la potasse (wuhle) et la potérie. 3.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) dar to get on someone's nerves énerver quelqu'un 3.3) Zulgo (Haller) dúl brûler, être consommé, prendre feu 3.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́ⁿdəl brûler sur le feu, consumer entièrement jusqu'à réduire en cendre (sur le feu) ; cuir les poteries

4Proto-Maroua *dɨlɨ ʸ burn bruler 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ⁿdili bruler 4.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) dílí burn (transitive) brûler (transitif)

5Proto-Lamang *dɨra burn bruler 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) dra burn 5.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dəraj to burn brûler
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dɨrɨm nf. animal horn corne d'un animal (8 groups, 26 languages) C syn: lagan, ᵐbɨkʷɨm, mahʷa.
This root poses some interesting problems in reconstruction. The change *d to t in the Margi and Higi groups is regular. We also expect to find *r becoming *l in all groups except for Mafa and Sukur. However there are exceptions in the Mandara, Mofu and Maroua groups. The Mafa and Mofu data indicate that there are two cognate roots interfering, with *dɨrɨm being the horn of an animal, and *tɨlɨm being an animal horn used as a musical instrument. Another difficulty is the presence of labialisation in many of the groups. The change *m to /w/ in the Mandara group is regular, and in the Lamang group is a common sporadic change. However we also have labialisation in the Mafa, Sukur, Maroua and Higi groups that has not come from *m. In the Maroua group this is a common sporadic change, but the present reconstruction does not account for the introduction of labialisation in the other groups.

1Proto-Mafa *dɨram ʷ horn corne 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tolom corne (animal) utilisé pour faire la musique 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dúróm corne d'animal 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dərem horn corne 1.3) Mefele (Crawford) dərum horn corne

2Proto-Sukur *twam horn corne 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) twam horn; a hard pointed part that grow usually in pairs, on the heads of some animals, eg cow, sheep and goats.

3Proto-Margi *tɨlɨm horn corne 3.1) Bura (Blench) tiᵐbul Horn of an animal 3.2) Kilba (Schuh) tələm horn

4Proto-Mandara *dɨrɨma horn corne 4.1) Matal (Branger) draw, dəraw horn corne 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dərawa,-ə 1 corne 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dermá corne (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dərme horn 4.5) Glavda (Owens) dərá horn 4.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dràwa horn 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) dərawa horn

5Proto-Mofu *dɨram horn corne 5.1) Muyang (Smith) edrem tusk ; horn corne 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) dràm corne d'animal 5.3) Merey (Gravina) dəram corne 5.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) dərom horn corne 5.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) təlam corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.5.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) tālām corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təlam corne à souffler (de buffle ou en bois)

6Proto-Maroua *dɨrɨm ʷ horn corne 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) durum corne, = marta: corne tabatière (tapa ngi zi'iñ) 6.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) drum corne 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) durom horn corne 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) durum corne 6.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) dùrūm horn corne

7Proto-Lamang *duli horn corne 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) duli horn 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) duli horn la corne

8Proto-Higi *tɨlimʷɨ horn corne 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tərmʷi horn 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tərimo horn (of animal); ivory 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) tə̀lìmə̀ corne
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dzaj v. to bite mordre (5 groups, 14 languages) syn: hʷɨpɨɗ.
This root is largely stable, with the only change being the unestablished change *dz to /ts/ in the Daba and Maroua groups. The final *j is realised as the palatalisation prosody in the Mafa, Mandara and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic process. The Proto-Daba root is prenasalised, which is also a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Daba *ntsa bite mordre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ bite (v) mordre 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ gnaw ronger 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ sting piquer 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ bite (v) mordre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ sting piquer 1.3) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgàtʃ mordre, tourmenter, aboyer

2Proto-Mafa *dza ʸ bite mordre 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n dʒe mordre 2.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dʒ- mordre

3Proto-Mandara *dza ʸ bite mordre 3.1) Matal (Branger) matsaj bite mordre 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒewé 1 mordre 3.3) Malgwa (Löhr) dʒa bite, beat (with stick) 3.4) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿdzaxa bite

4Proto-Mofu *dzaj bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mātsāj mordre, piquer plusieurs fois 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) dze(-r) mordre 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzaj bite (v) mordre 4.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) a dzaj mordre 4.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) medze strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj mordre 4.4.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj piquer (serpent) 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́z mordre, piquer (serpent)

5Proto-Maroua *tsɨ ʸ bite mordre 5.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃi mordre
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dzavɨn nf. guinea fowl pintade (17 groups, 49 languages) B
Although this is one of the most widely attested roots in Central Chadic, the reconstruction presents some difficulties. The initial *dz is only retained in two groups. It is realised as *ts in five groups and as *z in ten groups. Only in the Gidar and Kotoko Centre groups is this change regular. *dz is preferred for the reconstruction as being the most likely to produce the other two realisations. The *v is realised as *f in Kotoko North (a regular change), as *b in the Sukur and Mandara groups (an unestablished change), and as *p in the Mafa group (also an unestablished change). The *n is realised as *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups, which is a regular change. The labialisation in the Bata and Maroua groups is a sporadic innovation, as is the palatalisation in the Tera, Mandara and Musgum groups.

1Proto-Bata *zavʷɨn guineafowl pintade 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) zòovə̀ná guinea fowl 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) zavʷənən Pintade 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) zavunə pintade 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) zavənkən la pintade

2Proto-Daba *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zɑvɑn guinea fowl pintade 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) zɑvən guinea fowl pintade 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zavaŋ guinea fowl pintade 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàvə́n la pintade

3Proto-Mafa *zapan guineafowl pintade 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zápán pintade 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) zapaŋ guinea fowl pintade

4Proto-Tera *tsivan guineafowl pintade 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃivan guinea-fowl pintade 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʃivan guinea fowl pintade

5Proto-Sukur *zabɨn guinea fowl pintade 5.1) Sukur (David) zabən guineafowl pintade 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) zabən guineafowl; is the general term for guinea fowl; it has dark grey feathers with white spots. There are two types of guineafowls: demostic and bush guineafowls.

6Proto-Hurza *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzavan guinea fowl pintade 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) sàvnàk partridge pintade

7Proto-Margi *tsɨvɨr guineafowl pintade 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) tsəvər guinea-fowl pintade 7.2) Kilba (Schuh) tsəvər guinea fowl pintade 7.3) Bura (Blench) tsə̀və́ra Guinea fowl

8Proto-Mandara *zabɨra ʸ guineafowl pintade 8.1) Matal (Branger) zavər guineafowl pintade 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) zaᵐbəra,-a pintade 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ʒábèrá pintade (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ʒebre guinea fowl pintade 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʒàbɾa guinea fowl pintade 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) žeeb guinea fowl pintade 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) zabə guinea fowl pintade

9Proto-Mofu *dzavɨr guineafowl pintade 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zàvàr guinea fowl pintade 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑvɑr guinea fowl pintade 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) zàvàr pintade 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdzávə́r pintade f. 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.7) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzàvár pintade 9.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzávár pintade 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿdʒavár pintade commune (Gudur)

10Proto-Maroua *tsɨvɨn ʷ guineafowl pintade 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuvuŋ pintade 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuvon guinea fowl pintade 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃufuŋ pintade

11Proto-Lamang *zɨvɨn guineafowl pintade 11.1) Hdi (Bramlett) zəvnək guinea hen la pintade

12Proto-Higi *zivɨn guineafowl pintade 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) zəvənə guinea fowl pintade 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) zivəno guinea fowl pintade 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) zə̀və́nì pintade

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsafan guineafowl pintade 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨfan; gɨdɨgo guinea fowl pintade 13.2) Mpade (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.3) Malgbe (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.4) Maltam (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zavan guineafowl pintade 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zavan guinea fowl pintade 14.2) Mser (Allison) savan guinea fowl pintade

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzavaŋ guineafowl pintade 15.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒavaŋ guinea fowl pintade

16Proto-Musgum *tsaavan ʸ guineafowl pintade 16.1) Mbara (Tourneux) tʃeeveŋ helmet guinea-fowl pintade

17Proto-Gidar *zamvɨna guinea fowl pintade 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zamvəna pintade 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) samvəna/a pintade 17.3) Gidar (Hungerford) zafʼna pintade
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dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts
t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.

1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic

2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic

3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.

5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic

6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.

7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic

8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
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dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche

2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche

3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.

5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche

6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche

7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche

8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)

9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche

10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche

11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche

12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche

16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche

17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
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ɗap nf. millet ball boule de mil (10 groups, 26 languages) A
This root is the common word for the lump of cooked millet that forms the staple in the region. The root is extremely stable. It is found across the Northern Mandara Mountains and the Nigerian Plains. In Proto-Central Chadic, *p was realised as [f] word-finally, and this became phonemicized in the descendants of Proto-Central Chadic.

1Proto-Bata *ɗafa food boule 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) ɗafan Nourriture

2Proto-Mafa *ɗaf millet boule 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɗaf food boule de mil, repas 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗaf boule

3Proto-Sukur *ɗaf millet lump boule de mil 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaf food: things that people or animals eats.

4Proto-Hurza *ɗaf millet boule 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗaf millet ball, food boule de mil, nourriture 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɗə̄fkā boule de mil

5Proto-Margi *ɗɨfɨ millet boule 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) ɗəfə mush, boule 5.2) Margi South (Harley) dufau food 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) ɗəfa tuwo, millet boule

6Proto-Mandara *ɗafɨ millet boule 6.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗafá,-ə boule, nourriture qui se mange avec la sauce 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɗáfá couscous (m), nourriture (f) 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) ɗafa food gen.(cooked)

7Proto-Mofu *ɗaf millet boule 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗàf fufu boule 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗɑf ball of millet couscous, staple food boule de mil, nourriture de base 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) ɗaf food; meal; boule repas; boule 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗaf boule (f.) de mil 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗaf food nourriture 7.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗaf nourriture 7.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗaf sorghum ball "boule de mil" (fr. d'Afrique) ; nourriture

8Proto-Maroua *ɗaf millet boule 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗaf(Mj), ɗaf (Mt, Mv) nourriture, repas, manger (boule de mil plus sauce) 8.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗaf boule

9Proto-Lamang *ɗafa millet boule 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗafa millet boule 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗafa sorghum mush, food la boule

10Proto-Higi *ɗafa millet boule 10.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɗafa food 10.2) Kirya (Blench) ɗàfà food 10.3) Bana (Lienhard) ɗàfà nourriture
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ɗawɨk n. goat chèvre (15 groups, 42 languages) C
This is a well-attested Proto-Central Chadic root. The evidence for the initial *ɗ is limited. It is only present in Mofu-Gudur and Cuvok. In Sukur and the Maroua group it has the reflex *ʔ, and in the Musgum group it has the reflex *j, both of which are unestablished changes. In Mafa it has fused with *w to become /ɓ/, a common sporadic process. In Podoko, Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of *ɗ has been compensated for by the addition of a prefixed /n/, which is a common sporadic process in these languages. In many groups the *w has fused with the *k to create *kʷ. The *k or the *kʷ has also changed to *hʷ in the Bata and Daba groups, *gʷ in the Lamang group and *ɣʷ in the Kotoko Centre group. None of these changes are established as regular changes.

1Proto-Bata *ɨhʷɨ goat chèvre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀hʷá - ə goat 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə Chèvre 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə chèvre 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahʷe le chèvre

2Proto-Daba *ŋhʷa goat chèvre 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre

3Proto-Mafa *ɗawɨk goat chèvre 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɓakʷ, ɓakʷaj, ɓakʷij haj chevre 3.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɓókʷ chèvre 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗakʷ goat chèvre

4Proto-Sukur *ʔɨjɨkʷ goat chèvre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) ʼijuk goat; an animals with horns and a coat of hairs, that lives as demostic. 4.2) Sukur (David) ijukʼ goat

5Proto-Hurza *awak goat chèvre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) awak goat chèvre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwāk goat chèvre

6Proto-Margi *kʷi goat chèvre 6.1) Bura (Blench) kʷi Goat 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) ku goat 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) kʷa/ku goat

7Proto-Mandara *ɗawak goat chèvre 7.1) Matal (Branger) awak goat chèvre 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nawá,-ə chèvre 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náwime chèvre (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) nawe goat 7.5) Glavda (Owens) aag goat 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) áːgʷa goat 7.5.2) Glavda (Owens) dwág goat

8Proto-Mofu *ɗawak goat chèvre 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āwák goat chèvre 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑwɑk goat chèvre 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) awak goat chèvre 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) awak chèvre f. 8.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) awák chèvre f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wak goat chèvre 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awak goat chèvre 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗakʷ goat chèvre (nom gén.), caprin

9Proto-Maroua *ʔawɨ goat chèvre 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼaw chèvre 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) aw chèvre 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) aw goat chèvre 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼawu chèvre 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) áwūʼ goat chèvre

10Proto-Lamang *agʷɨ goat chèvre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ógò goat 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) gu goat la chèvre

11Proto-Higi *kʷɨ goat chèvre 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kʷə 1.goat.2.hearsay. 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kʷo goat 11.3) Kirya (Blench) goat 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) kʷə goat 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) kʷə̀ chèvre

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *nɣʷa goat chèvre 12.1) Mser (Allison) nɣo goat chèvre

13Proto-Kotoko South *awa goat chèvre 13.1) Zina (Odden) àwà goat chèvre

14Proto-Musgum *jawak goat chèvre 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jek chèvre 14.2) Mbara (Tourneux) we he-goat bouc 14.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jaw chèvre

15Proto-Gidar *hawa goat chèvre 15.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hawa chèvre 15.2) Gidar (Schuh) hawa chèvre
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ɗawɨm nf. bee, honey abeille, miel (14 groups, 36 languages) C
This root is used both for the bee and for honey in most of the languages presented. In the proto-language reconstructions, 'honey' is given as the gloss, but only as a label. The reconstruction of the root poses several challenges. In the Daba and Mafa groups, the *ɗ and *w have fused, resulting in *ɓ in the Daba group and *ᵐgb in the Mafa groups. In many groups, the *ɗ or the *w has been lost. In many languages across almost all groups, this has triggered compensatory reduplication of the *m. In Mandara and Malgwa the loss has been compensated for by a prefixed /n/. In several languages the *w has been reanalysed as a vowel, or as the labialisation prosody. All of these are common sporadic processes.

1Proto-Daba *ɗawam honey miel 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑmɑm bee abeille 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑmɑm bee abeille 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɓəɓam bee abeille 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) ɓòɓóm le miel, l'abeille

2Proto-Mafa *ᵐgbam honey miel 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) mgbam bee abeille 2.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) mgbam honey miel

3Proto-Sukur *mam honey miel 3.1) Sukur (David) mam honey 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) mam honey; a sweet sticky yellow substance made by bees.

4Proto-Hurza *wɨmam honey miel 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) umam bee abeille 4.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) umam honey miel 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āmə̄māk 1 bee abeille 4.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) āmə̄māk 2 honey miel

5Proto-Margi *wɨmɨ honey miel 5.1) Bura (Blench) muma Honey 5.2) Margi (Hoffman) məmə honey

6Proto-Mandara *ɗama honey miel 6.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) mama,-ə 1 abeille 6.1.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) mama,-ə 2 miel 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) nama miel (m), abeille (f) 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nama bee, honey 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) màmː bee

7Proto-Mofu *awɨm honey miel 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āmā bee abeille 7.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āmā honey miel 7.2) Muyang (Smith) àmú honey, bee miel, abeille 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) áma abeille 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) omom honey miel 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) amúm abeille f. 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) awom bee abeille 7.7) Merey (Gravina) wum bee abeille 7.7.1) Merey (Gravina) wum honey miel 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) amam honey miel 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) amam bee, honey abeille 7.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) amam miel

8Proto-Maroua *amam honey miel 8.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) amam honey miel 8.1.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) amam bee abeille 8.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼamam miel

9Proto-Lamang *omo honey miel 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) ómó honey

10Proto-Kotoko North *mam honey miel 10.1) Afade (Allison) mam bee abeille 10.2) Malgbe (Allison) mam honey miel 10.2.1) Malgbe (Allison) mam bee abeille 10.3) Mpade (Allison) màm honey miel 10.3.1) Mpade (Allison) màm bee abeille

11Proto-Kotoko Centre *imam honey miel 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) iman honey miel 11.1.1) Lagwan (Allison) iman bee abeille 11.2) Mser (Allison) mam honey miel 11.2.1) Mser (Allison) mam bee abeille

12Proto-Kotoko South *amama honey miel 12.1) Zina (Odden) ámámá honey miel

13Proto-Musgum *wamaj honey miel 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aamii abeille 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) momoj bee abeille 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) momoj honey miel 13.3) Muskum (Tourneux) amtu abeille

14Proto-Gidar *amɨma honey miel 14.1) Gidar (Schuh) aməma/a miel 14.2) Gidar (Hungerford) amama abeille
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ɗiɬ nm. bone os (14 groups, 43 languages) B syn: kɨrakaɬ ʸ.
This widely-attested root is close to the root *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg', but the presence of *i in the root rather than a final *j makes a big difference to the reflexes in individual languages. The initial *ɗ is realised as *t in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua, an unestablished change. It has been lost in many groups, triggering compensatory reduplication in the Mandara and Kotoko South groups, and in some Mofu group languages. It has fused with the *i in the Tera and Higi groups to create a palatalised glottal or a velar implosive. In the Kotoko North and South groups it has fused with the *ɬ to create an ejective. These fusion processes are common sporadic changes. The *ɬ is expected to have the reflex *ɮ in the groups of the South sub-branch, but for this root it is only the case in the Bata group. Within the Bata group there is a subsequent change *ɮ to *l. In the Margi group and in Mandara and Malgwa in the Mandara group, *ɬ has become palatalised by processes originating with *i, and *ɬʲ has then been velarised to /hʲ/ as part of a regular process. Regular processes give *ɬ the reflexes *s in the Proto-Kotoko South and Mser, /ʃ/ in Mpade and /h/ in Buduma. In Mser the /ʃ/ is due to the effect of the front vowel on *s.

1Proto-Bata *iɮɨ bone os 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) uule bone 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ìlá -ə bone. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ilən Os 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) allə os 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) iɮe l'os

2Proto-Mafa *taɬ, ɬaɬar bone os 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) táɬ os 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬaɬar bone os

3Proto-Tera *ɠɨɬi bone os 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɠəɬ bone 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) qu̱ɬi bone 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ela bone

4Proto-Sukur *taɬ bone os 4.1) Sukur (David) taɬ bone 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) taɬ bone; any of the hard parts that form the skeleton of the body of a human and an animal.

5Proto-Margi *ɗaɬɨ ʸ bone os 5.1) Bura (Blench) ɗjàhù Bone 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ɗihji bone

6Proto-Mandara *ɬaɬi bone os 6.1) Matal (Branger) aɬaɬ bone os 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬaɬa,-ə os 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hjáhjé os (m) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) hjehje bone 6.5) Glavda (Owens) ła bone 6.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɬàɬa bone 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬaɬa bone

7Proto-Mofu *ɨtaɬ bone os 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àɬàɬ bone os 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑɬɑt bone os 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aɬaɬ os 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) atáɬ os m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ataɬ bone os 7.6) Merey (Gravina) mətaɬ bone os 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətaɬ bone os 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàɬ os

8Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ bone os 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) os, arrête 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ bone os 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaʼaɬ os

9Proto-Higi *ʔʲiɬɨ bone os 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjithlə bone 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) iɬa bone 9.3) Kirya (Blench) íɬə́ bone 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) éɬêr os (pl.) 9.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjíɬə́ os

10Proto-Kotoko Island *ahaj bone os 10.1) Buduma (McKone) ahaj bone os

11Proto-Kotoko North *enslʼi bone os 11.1) Afade (Allison) enɬʼi bone os 11.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃí bone os 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ bone os

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *eɬi bone os 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) aɬɨ bone os 12.2) Mser (Allison) enʃi bone os

13Proto-Kotoko South *asisʼɨ bone os 13.1) Zina (Odden) àsàsə̀ bone os 13.2) Mazera (Allison) asisʼe bone os

14Proto-Gidar *ɬaŋɬaŋ ʸ bone os 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɬeŋɬeŋ os 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) ɬeᵑgɬeᵑg os
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ɗɨjɨkʷ n. bird oiseau (9 groups, 31 languages) A
This is the generic term for a small bird. The initial *ɗ is attested in most groups. In Sukur, Margi South, Kilba, Mandara, Margi and Bana the *ɗ and *j have fused to create /ʔʲ/, which is a common sporadic process. In the Tera group the *j has probably been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody, and in Bura and Dghwede it has been reanalysed as a vowel. The labialisation on the *kʷ is reconstructed on the basis of its presence in the Margi group, with support from the Higi, Maroua and Mofu groups. The reason for the development of *ŋʷ in the Mofu group is unclear.

1Proto-Mafa *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɗijak oiseau. nom gén. des petits oiseaux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗijak bird oiseau

2Proto-Tera *ɗiki bird oiseau 2.1) Tera (Newman) ɗiki bird 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) djika bird

3Proto-Sukur *ʔʲak bird oiseau 3.1) Sukur (David) ʼjak bird 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼjak bird;- is a general term for flying birds.

4Proto-Margi *ɗɨjakʷ bird oiseau 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɗíká Bird 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ʼikji bird 4.3) Margi South (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4) Kilba (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) ʼjaku/ə bird

5Proto-Mandara *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 5.1) Matal (Branger) ɗəjaŋ, ɗijaŋ bird oiseau 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗija,-a oiseau 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ƴie oiseau (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ɠjije bird gen. 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɗìːka bird 5.5.1) Glavda (Owens) ďií bird 5.6) Dghwede (Frick) tʼiᵑge bird

6Proto-Mofu *ɗɨjɨŋʷ bird oiseau 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗēŋʷ oiseau 6.2) Muyang (Smith) eɗiŋ bird (general word) oiseau (mot général) 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɗəjen bird oiseau 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗijeŋ oiseau m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dijiŋ bird oiseau 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗijiŋ bird oiseau 6.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗijaŋ oiseau (nom gén.)

7Proto-Maroua *ɗɨjɨw bird oiseau 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗiju(w) oiseau (en général) 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗijew bird oiseau 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗijaw oiseau

8Proto-Lamang *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗíjáká bird 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗijak bird l'oiseau

9Proto-Higi *ɗɨjɨkʷɨ bird oiseau 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ijo bird 9.2) Kirya (Blench) íkə́ bird 9.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjìgʷù oiseau
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ɗɨjɨm nm. water eau (17 groups, 53 languages) A
The *ɗ is reconstructed on the evidence from the Bata, Tera, Hurza, Kotoko South and Musgum groups. In all of these groups there is evidence for a glottal element, in most cases [ʔ]. In the Tera group the *ɗ and *j have fused to form /ɗʲ/.

1Proto-Bata *maʔi water eau 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) màʼínə water 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) maʼi Eau 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) maʼi eau

2Proto-Daba *jɨm water eau 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm water eau 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm colour couleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm juice jus 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm water eau 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm colour couleur 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) jim water eau 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) jə̄m l'eau

3Proto-Mafa *jam water eau 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) jam water eau 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jam water eau

4Proto-Tera *ɗʲɨm water eau 4.1) Tera (Newman) ƴim water 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗjim water 4.3) Hwana (Harley) āːmá water

5Proto-Sukur *jam water eau 5.1) Sukur (David) ijam water, rain 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) jam water

6Proto-Hurza *aʔam water eau 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aʼam water eau 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āhʷám water eau

7Proto-Margi *jimi water eau 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) ʼimi water 7.2) Margi South (Harley) imi water 7.3) Bura (Blench) jimi Water

8Proto-Mandara *jɨwɨ water eau 8.1) Matal (Branger) jːāw water eau 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) jəwá,-ə eau, jus 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) jawe eau (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) jawe water 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) jùwa water 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) íi water 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) ju water, color 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) jiwe water

9Proto-Mofu *jam water eau 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) jàm water eau 9.2) Muyang (Smith) jam water ; colour ; interest l'eau; couleur; intérêt 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) jam water eau 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) jam eau f. 9.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) jam l' eau 9.6) Merey (Gravina) jam water eau 9.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam water eau 9.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam juice jus 9.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) jàm eau 9.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) jam water eau ; jus

10Proto-Maroua *jam water eau 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) jam water eau 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) jam eau

11Proto-Lamang *imi water eau 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) ímí water 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) imi water l'eau

12Proto-Higi *jame water eau 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) jame water 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jemji water 12.3) Kirya (Blench) jàmə́ water 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) jemú water 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) jàm eau

13Proto-Kotoko Island *amaj water eau 13.1) Buduma (McKone) amaj water eau

14Proto-Kotoko North *ame water eau 14.1) Afade (Allison) ame water eau 14.2) Mpade (Allison) àmé water eau 14.3) Malgbe (Allison) am water eau

15Proto-Kotoko Centre *am water eau 15.1) Lagwan (Allison) am water eau 15.2) Mser (Allison) am water eau

16Proto-Kotoko South *aʔɨm water eau 16.1) Zina (Odden) ámí water eau 16.2) Mazera (Allison) aʔɨm water eau

17Proto-Musgum *ʔɨjam water eau 17.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jem eau 17.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼam water 17.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jamu eau
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ɗɨkɨn ʸ nm. claw, fingernail griffe, ongle (6 groups, 10 languages) A
The languages where this root is attested are relatively few, but spread over a wide area. This may indicate that the root did exist in Proto-Central Chadic. The initial *ɗ is realised as /r/ in Cuvok, which is an unestablished change, and in the Kotoko North and Centre groups it has fused with the *k to create the velar ejective *kʼ, which is a common sporadic process. There is no known process to account for the initial /h/ in Mazera. In Kotoko North and Centre, there is prenasalisation of the initial consonant, a common sporadic process. The *k has the reflex /h/ in Cuvok and Hdi, an unestablished process. The final *n has become /ŋ/ in Cuvok, Mbazla and Hdi, which is a regular change. The change *n to /r/ in Maltam and Mser is a common but non-systematic process. The reconstruction of the palatalisation prosody is supported by the presence of the prosody in Cuvok and Mbazla.

1Proto-Mafa *rɨhaŋ ʸ claw griffe 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) rəheŋ fingernail ongle 1.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) rəheŋ claw griffe

2Proto-Maroua *ɗɨkɨŋ ʸ claw griffe 2.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗikiŋ griffe, ongle 2.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) lìkíŋ claw griffe

3Proto-Lamang *ɗahɨŋ claw griffe 3.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗahəŋ claw, fingernail la griffe, l'ongle

4Proto-Kotoko North *nkʼan claw griffe 4.1) Afade (Allison) nkʼan fingernail ongle 4.2) Mpade (Allison) nkʼan claw griffe 4.2.1) Mpade (Allison) nkʼan fingernail ongle 4.3) Malgbe (Allison) nkʼɨn claw griffe 4.3.1) Malgbe (Allison) nkʼɨn fingernail ongle 4.4) Maltam (Allison) ᵑgare claw griffe

5Proto-Kotoko Centre *nkʼɨn claw griffe 5.1) Lagwan (Allison) nkʼɨni claw griffe 5.2) Mser (Allison) nkʼɨr claw griffe 5.2.1) Mser (Allison) nkʼɨr fingernail ongle

6Proto-Kotoko South *hɨkɨne claw griffe 6.1) Mazera (Allison) kʷare; hɨkɨne; hakane fingernail ongle
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ɗɨɬɨj nm. egg œuf (16 groups, 50 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This is one of the most widely attested roots that have been reconstructed. There is significant variety in the realisations, where we can see evidence of most of the significant processes that have taken place in Central Chadic. In the Daba and Musgum groups there has been metathesis of the *ɗ and the *ɬ, and in the Higi group there has been metathesis of the *ɬ and *j. Metathesis is common, but not predictable. In the Maroua and Musgum groups, the *ɗ has become *t, though this change has not been established as a regular change. In many groups the *ɗ has been lost, and this has triggered compensatory reduplication in the Mafa, Margi and Lamang groups, and compensatory prefixation in the Daba group. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Margi and Proto-Maroua, and as a vowel in Proto-Bata, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Lamang. These processes are all common, but not predictable. The *ɬ has become *ɮ in the languages of the South sub-branch, i.e. Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, as part of a regular process, though not in the Mafa group. There is a subsequent regular change *ɮ to /l/ within the Bata group. In the Margi group and Glavda from the Mandara group, the *j or the palatalisation prosody has created *ɬʲ, which is then velarised as part of a regular sporadic process affecting palatalised alveolar consonants, resulting in /hʲ/. *ɬ is realised as /s/ in the Kotoko South group and Mser, and as /ʃ/ in Mpade, both of which are regular processes. The prenasalisation found in some of the Kotoko groups is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *ɗaɮi egg oeuf 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àlínə egg. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) alin Oeuf 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) alli oeuf, oeux 1.4) Bata (Boyd) ɗùùle egg

2Proto-Daba *naɮɨɗ ʸ egg oeuf 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) neɬe egg œuf 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑnɬi egg œuf 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) miɬiɗ egg œuf 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) nèɮī ʼ l'oeuf

3Proto-Mafa *ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɬaɬaj oeuf 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬeɬej egg œuf

4Proto-Sukur *ɗaᵑgaɮaj egg oeuf 4.1) Sukur (David) ⁿdaŋaɮaj egg 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaᵑgaɮai egg

5Proto-Hurza *ɬaj egg oeuf 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɬaj egg(s) oeuf, oeux 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɮáj egg oeuf

6Proto-Margi *ɬɨɬɨ ʸ egg oeuf 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) ihji egg 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) hjihji egg(s) 6.3) Bura (Blench) hihi Egg

7Proto-Mandara *ɗɨɬɨja egg oeuf 7.1) Matal (Branger) ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬɨɬe,-i oeuf 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬájá oeuf (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) thlaja egg(s) 7.5) Glavda (Owens) çi egg, testes 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) çìːja egg 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬəɬe egg

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨɬɨj egg oeuf 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɬàɬáj egg oeuf 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɬeɬeɗ egg oeuf 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɬèɬé oeuf m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aɬaj egg œuf 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɬéɬēɗ oeuf 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɬeɬéɗ oeuf

9Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ egg oeuf 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) oeuf 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ egg œuf 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) aɬaj œuf

10Proto-Lamang *ɬiɬi egg oeuf 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɬíɬí eggs 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɬiɬik egg l'oeuf

11Proto-Higi *jɨɬɨ egg oeuf 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɬiɬə egg 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jəɬe egg 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɬìɬí kòntə́ká egg 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɬìɬì oeufs

12Proto-Kotoko North *enɬɨ egg oeuf 12.1) Afade (Allison) enɬo egg œuf 12.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃó egg œuf 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ egg œuf

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *enɬɨ egg oeuf 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) nɬɨ egg œuf 13.2) Mser (Allison) ensɨ egg œuf

14Proto-Kotoko South *nsi egg oeuf 14.1) Zina (Odden) nsí egg œuf

15Proto-Musgum *ɮat ʸ egg oeuf 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) eŋɮe oeuf 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ŋɮa egg 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) ɮet oeuf

16Proto-Gidar *ɗaᵑgɮa ʸ egg oeuf 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) ɗeᵑgɮe/e oeuf 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɗeŋle, ɗeŋleɗe oeuf, oeufs
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ɗɨrɨnɨh ʸ n. tongue langue (4 groups, 18 languages) C syn: ɣanaɗ ʸ, naɬɨj.
This root is difficult to establish. The initial *ɗ has support from some languages in the Mofu and Maroua groups, either as /ɗ/ or as /ʔ/. The medial *n is expected to have become *r in the Mandara group and parts of the Mofu group, whilst the *r should have become *l in all the groups that are represented except the Mafa group. It is possible that the resulting sequence was reduced from *lɨr to *lr to *r in the Mandara and Mofu groups, which would explain the surface forms that we find. The /l/ in Matal is a regular change from the resulting *r. The *ɗ and *h have both been lost in many languages, which is a common sporadic change. In Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of the *ɗ has triggered compensatory prefixation of /n/. The palatalisation prosody is present in three of the four groups.

1Proto-Mafa *lanaŋ ʸ tongue langue 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léné langue 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léʼén langue 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) neneŋ tongue langue

2Proto-Mandara *ɨrɨh tongue langue 2.1) Matal (Branger) ālàh tongue langue 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) nara langue (f) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nare tongue 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɛ̄ɾɛ̄xa tongue 2.5) Dghwede (Frick) rəxe tongue

3Proto-Mofu *ɗɨrɨnah ʸ tongue langue 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màró tongue langue 3.2) Muyang (Smith) arəɗ tongue ; bud langue; bourgeon 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) árra langue 3.4) Moloko (Friesen) ́hərnek tongue langue 3.5) Zulgo (Haller) àràh langue f. 3.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) arah tongue langue 3.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗərneh langue 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) neneh langue (organe) (Gud.) 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗərne langue (organe) (Mokong)

4Proto-Maroua *ɗɨrna ʸ tongue langue 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼirne, irne langue 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne tongue langue 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne language langue, langage 4.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ne langue 4.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) nɛ́ʼ tongue langue
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ɗɨwah nf. breast sein (13 groups, 42 languages) A
The basic sense of the root is 'breast', but in many languages it is also covers the concept 'milk'. The history of the root is complicated due to the fact that all three of the consonants in the root are prone to reanalysis or loss. The initial *ɗ is only retained in some languages of the Mofu and Maroua groups. In many cases it has fused with the *w to create either *ʔʷ or *ɓ, which is a common sporadic process. It has been lost in the Mafa and Kotoko Centre groups. The final *h has been lost in the majority of languages, but is retained in the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. When the *w has not fused with *ɗ, it is retained.

1Proto-Bata *ʔʷa breast sein 1.1) Bata (Boyd) wàto uncooked fresh milk, lait cru 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʼwánə (inher. poss., body part) breast, milk 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) wan lait 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) ʼwa sein, lait 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) ʼwakən le lait

2Proto-Daba *ʔʷa breast sein 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) breast; milk; udder sein; lait; pis, mamelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋʼwɑ udder; breast; milk mamelle; sein (mamelle); lait 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wa udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle)

3Proto-Mafa *wa breast sein 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wa sein 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle

4Proto-Tera *ɓiɓi breast sein 4.1) Tera (Newman) ɓuɓu, ɓiɓi breast, fem. 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɓiɓi breast

5Proto-Sukur *ʔʷa breast, milk sein, lait 5.1) Sukur (David) ʼwa breast 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼwa breast; milk:- is a milk from the breast of either human female and animals.

6Proto-Margi *ʔɨwa breast sein 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʼùwà Woman’s breast 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼwa breast, milk 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼwa breast 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) ʼwa breast; milk

7Proto-Mandara *wɨɓa breast sein 7.1) Matal (Branger) awa breast sein 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓa,-a sein; lait 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ube mamelle (f), sein (m), tétine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuɓe breast, female 7.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːɓa breast 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) wupʼa breast, milk

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨwah breast sein 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗūwá breast; milk sein; lait 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗuwɑ breast ; milk lait; mamelle; sein 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ɗwa lait; sein (mamelle) 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) àwàh lait m.; sein m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awah breast sein (mamelle) 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗəwá sein, mamelle, pis; lait

9Proto-Maroua *ɗɨwa breast sein 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗuwa lait, sein, mamelle 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗuwa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼwa sein, lait 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) wāʼ breast sein

10Proto-Lamang *ɗɨwa breast sein 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) úɓá breast, milk 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) uʼa breast le sein

11Proto-Higi *ʔʷa breast sein 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uwo breast (women's) 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʼwá breast, milk 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwá lait, sein

12Proto-Kotoko North *eʔʷi breast sein 12.1) Afade (Allison) eʔwi breast sein (mamelle) 12.2) Maltam (Allison) eᵐbi breast sein (mamelle)

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *iwi breast sein 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) iwi breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle
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