Search results for "ⁿda"

hʷaⁿdav n. hare lièvre (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vida.
There are two widespread roots for 'hare', with the other being *vidɨ. These roots are possibly cognate, though it is not clear how these two forms could have come about. The *hʷ has been lost in many languages, leaving /w/ in Mafa and several Mofu group languages, and a back vowel in Ouldeme and Mbara. In many cases /m/ has been prefixed to the root to compensate. This is one of only three roots where *ⁿd has been reconstructed. In Musgum the *ⁿd has the reflex /d/. *v has the reflex *f in Proto-Maroua. These are unestablished changes.

1Proto-Daba *maⁿdavan hare lièvre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) məⁿdeveŋ hare lièvre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) māⁿdàvə̄n le lapin, le lièvre

2Proto-Mafa *waⁿdav hare lièvre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lièvre

3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdɨvan ʸ hare lièvre 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ⁿdìvèŋ rabbit ; hare lapin ; lièvre

4Proto-Mofu *hʷaⁿdav hare lièvre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādāvò hare lièvre 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ⁿdáv lièvre m. 4.3) Merey (Gravina) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lapin 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav-ŋgʷa Lapin d'Afrique 4.6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav ᵑga palah Lièvre à oreilles de lapin 4.6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav lapin (nom gén.)

5Proto-Maroua *maⁿdaf hare lièvre 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) maⁿdaf lapin, lièvre (567,577,578) 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) maⁿdaf hare lièvre

6Proto-Musgum *mudivaj hare lièvre 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) mudivaj hare lièvre

7Proto-Gidar *maⁿdava hare lièvre 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) maⁿdava/a lapin 7.2) Gidar (Hungerford) maⁿdava lièvre, lapin
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ⁿda v. to swallow avaler (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: sɨɗɨk.
This is one of the few roots reconstructed with *ⁿd. There is some variation in the vowel, but otherwise the root is stable.

1Proto-Bata *ⁿda swallow avaler 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ⁿda swallow 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ⁿdan Avaler ;

2Proto-Sukur *ⁿdam swallow avaler 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) ⁿdam to swallow;- to swallow something like tablets.

3Proto-Mandara *ⁿdɨ swallow avaler 3.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdé avaler, engloutir - v. int. = ndánde 3.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿde swallow, consume 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ⁿdᵊga swallow

4Proto-Mofu *ⁿda swallow avaler 4.1) Moloko (Friesen) ⁿdawaj swallow avaler 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿde avaler 4.3) Mofu North (Barreteau) méⁿdēj avaler, 4.3.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) méⁿdēj manger sans macher 4.3.2) Mofu North (Barreteau) méⁿdēj manger gloutonnement 4.3.3) Mofu North (Barreteau) méⁿdēj avaler des graines (oiseau) 4.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿd ́ swallow avaler ; picorer des graines (oiseaux) 4.4.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿd ́ (sens fig.) être gourmand

5Proto-Maroua *ⁿdi swallow avaler 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ⁿdi engloutir, noyer 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ⁿdi avaler 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ⁿdi goɗ swallow avaler

6Proto-Lamang *ⁿda swallow avaler 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) ⁿda swallow 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ⁿdaj to swallow avaler

7Proto-Higi *ⁿda swallow avaler 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ⁿdá Swallow 7.2) Kirya (Blench) ⁿdà swallow
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bana v. to wash laver (13 groups, 34 languages) A
This root is unusual in that it contains *b. There was a general change from Proto-Chadic *b to *v in Proto-Central Chadic, but this root appears as an exception to this change. The change of the medial *n to /r/ in the Mandara and Mofu groups is a regular change in the Mandara group, but in the Mofu group the data from other roots is less consistent and the change is unestablished.

1Proto-Bata *binɨ wash laver 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) binən Se laver ;

2Proto-Daba *ban wash laver 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver, laver 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn wash utensils laver la vaiselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ wash (tr) laver 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ bathe (intr) se laver 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) pān se laver ; soulever

3Proto-Mafa *pana wash laver 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) pán se laver 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash clothes laver (habits) 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) pana bathe (intr) se laver 3.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash (tr) laver

4Proto-Sukur *banvɨ wash laver 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) banvə bathe:- to wash a body with water.

5Proto-Hurza *bana wash laver 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash laver 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash clothes faire le linge 5.1.2) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash oneself se laver 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 1 wash laver_(se) 5.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 2 wash laver 5.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 3 bathe baigner

6Proto-Mandara *bara wash laver 6.1) Matal (Branger) màpàlàj wash laver 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pará 1 laver 6.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bárga bathe, wash oneself 6.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) báɾga wash (clothes, utensils)

7Proto-Mofu *bara wash laver 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ laver qqch 7.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēréŋ wash sthg laver 7.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ anaŋ laver qqch 7.1.3) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraká laver; laver la saleté de... 7.1.4) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bārāká laver de; laver la saleté de... 7.1.5) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāríjà wash(os) se laver 7.1.6) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēríjà se laver 7.1.7) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraha laver; laver (vaisselle, habit) 7.1.8) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāráhá laver ; s´éclairer 7.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑbɑ wash_out laver quelque chose à l'intérieur 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑfəŋ wash out a recpient laver les saletés d'un récipient 7.2.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑj wash ; baptise laver; se laver; baptiser 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) mabalafaŋa laver (habits, vaisselle) 7.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) mábàlá se laver (baptiser) 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) balaj wash in general mot général pour laver 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) bara bara bo laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) bara laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere laver 7.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.6.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere peteke wash clothes laver (habits) 7.6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara bara bo wash (tr) laver 7.6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara wash (tr) laver 7.7) Merey (Gravina) bara bo bathe (intr) se laver 7.7.1) Merey (Gravina) bara wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (zana) wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (tasahaj) wash utensils laver (vaisselle, ustensiles) 7.8.3) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej wash (tr) laver 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mépə́réj laver 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pər (se) laver, (se) baigner,

8Proto-Maroua *buna wash laver 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun laver, se laver, se baigner; laver le vêtement (bruit de lavage); laver 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun se purifier - grâce au rite de purification la femme a fait des rites pour avoir des enfants 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun wash (tr) laver 8.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun bathe (intr) se laver 8.2.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) buna wash clothes laver (habits) 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ban laver

9Proto-Higi *pi wash laver 9.1) Psikye (Angelo) pe wash 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) se laver, se baigner

10Proto-Kotoko Island *benu wash laver 10.1) Buduma (McKone) benuə; bəan bathe (intr) se laver 10.2) Buduma (McKone) benu laver. 10.3) Buduma (McKone) benuə wash (tr) laver

11Proto-Kotoko North *ᵐban wash laver 11.1) Mpade (Allison) ᵐban bathe (intr) se laver 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) ᵐbari bathe (intr) se laver

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *ban wash laver 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) bɨ̀nì bathe (intr) se laver 12.2) Mser (Allison) ban bathe (intr) se laver

13Proto-Kotoko South *bana wash laver 13.1) Zina (Odden) bànà bathe (intr) se laver
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beli nm. razor rasoir (6 groups, 12 languages) Loan cf: pɨɗakʷ ʸ.
This root is borrowed from Kanuri, in some cases via Fulfulde, and is found in languages covering a wide spread of the north and east of the Central Chadic area. The *l is not a native Central Chadic phoneme. It was introduced in the North sub-branch of Central Chadic by a general change from *r to *l. All the languages using this root are from this sub-branch, so no adaptation of the *l was necessary. The vowel *e is also absent from Proto-Central Chadic and many of the languages cited. In the case of Mbara, this has been re-analysed as the palatalisation prosody.

1Proto-Margi *bel razor rasoir 1.1) Bura (Blench) bel Razor

2Proto-Mandara *bila razor rasoir 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) bilà tondeuse à cheveux (f), le rasoir (m)

3Proto-Mofu *bila razor rasoir 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bīlá canif ; rasoir ; couteau 3.2) Zulgo (Haller) bijilá rasoir (m.) à grande lame 3.3) Mofu North (Barreteau) bila rasoir? 3.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) bílá (empr. ful.) rasoir, couteau très tranchant

4Proto-Kotoko North *bila razor rasoir 4.1) Afade (Allison) bil razor rasoir 4.2) Mpade (Allison) bìl razor rasoir 4.3) Malgbe (Allison) bila razor rasoir

5Proto-Kotoko Centre *bel razor rasoir 5.1) Lagwan (Allison) bel razor rasoir 5.2) Mser (Allison) bel razor rasoir

6Proto-Musgum *bala ʸ razor rasoir 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) bele razor couteau à raser

7Kanuri béli /// bélì razor rasoir

8Fulfulde (Noye) beliihi razor rasoir
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ɓaɣʷ v. to hide cacher (5 groups, 11 languages) B
Although this root is only attested in 11 languages, these are from a wide area and diverse groups, and so this root is likely to have come from Proto-Central Chadic. In Proto-Daba there is an unestablished change *ɣʷ→h
ʷ. The labializtion component was lost in all languages, except for Daba where it was reanalysed as the labialization prosody. The same unestablished change took place in Podoko in the Mandara group. In the Mofu group there was a regular change *ɣʷhʷ in the Tokombere subgroup, and in Muyang the *h was lost in a sporadic change, leaving behind the labialization component. In the Mofu subgroup there was a regular change *ɣʷ→w. In Mofu-Gudur the *w was lost as a sporadic change. In Bata the labialisation has transferred to the *ɓ. In Bana there has been metathesis of the two consonants.

1Proto-Bata *ɓʷaɣ hide cacher 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ɓòò he hid his money; I hid from him; hide me, hide you; hide food from me, from you 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ɓʷəɣən Se cacher ; 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ɓʷah (se) cacher

2Proto-Daba *ɓahʷ hide cacher 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh hide (tr) cacher 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh store garder 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh shelter abriter 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑh store (up) garder, emmagasiner 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑh hide cacher 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəɓah hide (tr) cacher 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) ɓōh cacher, se cacher

3Proto-Mandara *ɓɨhʷa hide cacher 3.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɓəhʷá cacher

4Proto-Mofu *ɓa ʷ hide cacher 4.1) Muyang (Smith) ɓu hide ; avoid se cacher 4.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɓ ́ (se) cacher

5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨɓɨ hide cacher 5.1) Bana (Lienhard) ɣùɓə́ se cacher (pour attrapper qqch.k)
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ɓɨwak num. two deux (5 groups, 14 languages) C syn: tsɨjɨw, sɨwra, kasi.
This is one of a number of roots for 'two' found in Central Chadic. The range of languages where this root is attested implies a reasonable age, but it is more likely that *sɨwra was the Proto-Central Chadic root. The *ɓ has become /b/ in several languages, and a labial-velar double plosive in a few others. These changes are unestablished. The double plosive may be due to the *w merging with *ɓ, which is a known sporadic process. In many cases the *w has been lost sporadically, but in Kamwe-Nkafa it has merged with the *ɓ resulting in /ɓʷ/.

1Proto-Bata *ɓɨjak two deux 1.1) Bata (Boyd) kpjáq two 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) biik Chiffre deux

2Proto-Daba *ɓɨk two deux 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) bək two (2) deux (2)

3Proto-Sukur *bak two deux 3.1) Sukur (David) bak two

4Proto-Mandara *bɨwa two deux 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) bua two deux 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) buwa two 4.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bùːwa two (2)

5Proto-Higi *ɓɨwak two deux 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɓʷàgə́ Two 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɓakəo two 5.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓə̀kə̀ two 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) bák two 5.5) Bana (Lienhard) bák(ə) deux
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d v. to cook préparer (13 groups, 37 languages) A cf: tɨsaw, sɨwra.
This is the generic root for 'to cook'. The devoicing of *d to *t in the Margi and Higi groups is a regular change. The Malgwa root /gʲa/ is due to a regular general process where palatalised alveolar consonants become palatalised velar consonants.

1Proto-Daba *da cook préparer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) cook (faire) cuire, cuisiner 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ̄ wɛ́ⁿdʒɛ̀k bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəduda prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəda bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) préparer la nourriture ; éclater 1.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) s'emploie, si on répète les paroles d'un autre, à la fin de la citation

2Proto-Sukur *dɨ cook préparer 2.1) Sukur (David) cook, to 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) cooking; is the general term for cooking.

3Proto-Hurza *da cook préparer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) da cook préparer

4Proto-Margi *ta cook préparer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ta To cook (certain foods for first time) 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) ti To cook 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ta to cook 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a cook (tuwo, miya etc.) 4.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a get done (food)

5Proto-Mandara *da cook préparer 5.1) Matal (Branger) mataj cook préparer 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) cuire 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gja cook 5.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tá káfa prepare (food to cook)

6Proto-Mofu *da cook préparer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) prepare food préparer le manger 6.2) Muyang (Smith) di make, do, cook in a pot; sing préparer; chanter 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) médè cuire (faire-, préparer de la nourriture), coucher (se-pour le soleil) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) de cook préparer la nouriture 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) da cuire 6.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) de cuire 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mede cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.7) Merey (Gravina) da prepare (food to cook); cook (v) préparer; préparer (la nourriture); (faire) cuire, cuisiner 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) madaj cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *t cook préparer 6.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) métēj (faire) cuire, préparer 6.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) t ́ (faire) cuire, préparer (un repas, un sacrifice) ; chauffer

7Proto-Maroua *di cook préparer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) di préparer, cuire, cuisiner 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) di daf prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) di préparer (nourriture)

8Proto-Lamang *da cook préparer 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) da cook

9Proto-Higi *ta cook préparer 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ta cook 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ta cook 9.3) Kirya (Blench) cook 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) také cook 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) cuire, préparer dans l'eau ou dans beaucoup d'huile

10Proto-Kotoko North *da cook préparer 10.1) Mpade (Allison) dá (lɨ) básù roast rôtir

11Proto-Kotoko South *udo cook préparer 11.1) Mazera (Allison) udo cook (v) (faire) cuire, cuisiner

12Proto-Musgum *di cook préparer 12.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) di cuire (une sauce) 12.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tii cook cuire

13Proto-Gidar *ɨda cook préparer 13.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨda, əda préparer, cuisiner, (faire) cuire
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daɣɨlɨj nf. young woman jeune fille (9 groups, 21 languages) B cf: dɨm ʸ.
This word denotes a girl or young woman who is old enough to marry but is not yet married. The presence of *l in this root indicates that it may have originated within the North sub-branch of Central Chadic. Proto-Central Chadic had no *l, but this phoneme was introduced into the North sub-branch by a regular change *r to l. However, the Daba, Mafa, Sukur and Hurza groups do not belong to the North sub-branch. It is possible that the root has been borrowed into these languages, since the languages where the root is present are those with strong contact with languages of the North sub-branch. The *ɣ has become /g/ in some languages in the Higi and Sukur groups, an unestablished change. It has become /h/ in many groups. In Proto-Mandara this is a regular change, but in the Mofu group the change is irregular. Elsewhere the change is unestablished. In some cases this /h/ has been deleted. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Mandara and Maroua groups, as consonant palatalisation in the Higi group, and as a vowel in the Sukur, Higi and Lamang groups. These are all common sporadic changes.

1Proto-Daba *dahalaj girl fille 1.1) Gavar (Viljoen) dɑhɑlɑj young woman jeune fille 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dalaj young woman jeune fille

2Proto-Mafa *dahla girl fille 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dahla young woman jeune fille

3Proto-Sukur *dɨgɨli young woman jeune fille 3.1) Sukur (David) dəgəli girl, unmarried 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dəgəli unmarried mature girl; is the general term for unmarried mature girl.

4Proto-Hurza *dalaj girl fille 4.1) Mbuko dalaj girl fille 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dìlè daughter fille

5Proto-Mandara *dahɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) də́həla,-ə jeune fille 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gjáále jeune fille (f) 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gjaale girl, daughter 5.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) gjala girls

6Proto-Mofu *dahɨlaj girl fille 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dàŋgʷàlàj girl fille 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dɑhɑlɑj a marriageable girl fille à l'âge de se marier 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) dalaj girl fille 6.4) Merey (Gravina) dahəlaj young woman jeune fille,épouse 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj bride mariée 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj jeune fille 6.5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəla jeune fille 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) dahəlaj bride mariée

7Proto-Maroua *dɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dijli jeune fille 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dili daughter fille

8Proto-Higi *diɣɨlʲi girl fille 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digəlji unmarriedgirl 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digiljí young-girl 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dàɣàlà jeune fille

9Proto-Lamang *daɣali girl fille 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) daɣele girl, young woman 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) daɣali young woman la jeune fille
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daŋ nm. drum tambour (6 groups, 10 languages) (Technological Spread) cf: gaᵑga.
This word probably denotes an hour-glass shaped drum held under the armpit. It is most probably a root that has spread across languages with the introduction of this type of drum, with the source being somewhere in Nigeria.

1Proto-Bata *daŋɨ drum tambour 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dàŋá -ə small hourgrass shaped drum, H. Kalangu. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) daŋən Petit tambour qui a la forme de X qui sert d'accompagnement pour les autres grands tambours.

2Proto-Tera *daᵑg drum tambour 2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) daᵑg talking drum

3Proto-Sukur *daŋ drum tambour 3.1) Sukur (David) daŋ drum 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) daŋ drum; a musical instrument made of a hollow round frame plastic or wood and skin strretched across one or both end. Your play it by hitting it with sticks or with your hands.

4Proto-Margi *daŋ drum tambour 4.1) Bura (Blench) daᵑg drum with two heads 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) daŋ drum (generic)

5Proto-Mandara *deŋʷɨ drum tambour 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) deŋú deŋʷé,-u tam-tam à l'aisselle

6Proto-Higi *daŋɨ ʸ drum tambour 6.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) dàᵑgjí Kind of drum. 6.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) djaᵑga talking drum 6.3) Bana (Lienhard) dáŋ tamtam sous le bras, peau de varan, esp. de petit
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daw n. millet mil (4 groups, 7 languages) A syn: hɨjɨ, vɨjaw.
The presence of a number of different roots for this most basic of subsistence crops indicates that the Central Chadic peoples were not originally subsistence farmers. The prenasalisation of *d in Mbuko is a common but sporadic process. The root may have originated in Mafa and spread to neighbouring languages. However, the root is also found in Mbazla, which is currently not in contact with the other languages represented, and the path of contact with this language needs to be established.

1Proto-Mafa *daw millet mil 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) daw mil (nom gén.) 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) daw millet (rainy season) mil (saison de pluies)

2Proto-Hurza *ⁿdaw millet mil 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ⁿdaw millet mil

3Proto-Mofu *daw millet mil 3.1) Zulgo (Haller) daw mil m. 3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) daw millet mil 3.3) Merey (Gravina) daw millet (rainy season) mil (saison de pluies)

4Proto-Maroua *daw millet mil 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) daw mil
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dɨgɨɮam deaf sourd (5 groups, 13 languages) B
The presence of the alternate root *maⁿdɨk in several languages in the Mofu group may indicate that this root is a compound of a verb *ⁿdɨk and *ɮam 'ear' (from *ɬɨmɨɗ ʸ, but with *ɮ from the South sub-branch). The prefix *ma- is a nominaliser that was productive in earlier stages of the history of Central Chadic languages, but is no longer productive in most languages.

1Proto-Mafa *dagaɮam deaf sourd 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ńⁿdakaɮam sourd-muet 1.1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ⁿdakaɮam, ⁿdaɓaɮam sourd 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) madagaɮam deaf person (un) sourd

2Proto-Hurza dɨᵑgɨɮ deaf sourd 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dɨᵑgɨɮ be deaf être sourd 2.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mədəᵑgaɮak deaf sourd

3Proto-Mandara *dagaɮam deaf sourd 3.1) Matal (Branger) madagaɮam deaf sourd

4Proto-Mofu *ma-ⁿdɨk ɮam deaf sourd 4.1) Mada (Nkoumou) madagaɮam sourd-muet 4.2) Moloko (Friesen) madəᵑgəɮa deafness surdité 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) maⁿdakaɮam deaf mute sourd-muet 4.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) maⁿdak deaf person (un) sourd 4.4) Merey (Gravina) madəᵑgəɮak sourd-muet 4.4.1) Merey (Gravina) maⁿdək deaf person (un) sourd, sourd-muet 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) mədeᵑgəɮa deaf person (un) sourd 4.5.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) maⁿdak deaf mute sourd-muet 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) máⁿdāk sourd-muet 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) madakaɮam sourd-muet 4.7.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dəgəɮam dəgəɮam sourd

5Proto-Maroua *digiɮa deaf sourd 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) digiɬ rendre sourd 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) midigiɮa sourd, muet 5.1.2) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) midigiɮa ignorant 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) mədigɮa deaf person; deaf mute (un) sourd; sourd-muet
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dɨr v. to burn bruler (5 groups, 10 languages) A
This word denotes the complete burning of an object until it becomes ash. All of the groups represented except the Mafa group are from the North sub-branch, and we would expect to find *l rather than *r in these languages. However there are exceptions in the Mandara and Lamang groups, which may be due to a later unestablihsed change from *l to /r/. The change *r to l in Cuvok is a regular feature of the language, as is the change *l to r in Moloko.

1Proto-Mafa *ⁿdar burn bruler 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ⁿdár- brûler (faire du charbon de bois, cuire) 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdala burn brûler

2Proto-Mandara *dɨrɨ burn brûler 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) déré brûler (brûler complètement), carboniser

3Proto-Mofu *dɨl burn bruler 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dālāj burn brûler plusieurs fois 3.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) də̄l burn brûler 3.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) də̄l cuire la poterie 3.2) Moloko (Friesen) dar burn, grill until it becomes ash for making potash and pottery; jusqu'à ce que ça deveiens du cendre pour faire la potasse (wuhle) et la potérie. 3.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) dar to get on someone's nerves énerver quelqu'un 3.3) Zulgo (Haller) dúl brûler, être consommé, prendre feu 3.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́ⁿdəl brûler sur le feu, consumer entièrement jusqu'à réduire en cendre (sur le feu) ; cuir les poteries

4Proto-Maroua *dɨlɨ ʸ burn bruler 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ⁿdili bruler 4.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) dílí burn (transitive) brûler (transitif)

5Proto-Lamang *dɨra burn bruler 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) dra burn 5.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dəraj to burn brûler
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dɨrɨm nf. animal horn corne d'un animal (8 groups, 26 languages) C syn: lagan, ᵐbɨkʷɨm, mahʷa.
This root poses some interesting problems in reconstruction. The change *d to t in the Margi and Higi groups is regular. We also expect to find *r becoming *l in all groups except for Mafa and Sukur. However there are exceptions in the Mandara, Mofu and Maroua groups. The Mafa and Mofu data indicate that there are two cognate roots interfering, with *dɨrɨm being the horn of an animal, and *tɨlɨm being an animal horn used as a musical instrument. Another difficulty is the presence of labialisation in many of the groups. The change *m to /w/ in the Mandara group is regular, and in the Lamang group is a common sporadic change. However we also have labialisation in the Mafa, Sukur, Maroua and Higi groups that has not come from *m. In the Maroua group this is a common sporadic change, but the present reconstruction does not account for the introduction of labialisation in the other groups.

1Proto-Mafa *dɨram ʷ horn corne 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tolom corne (animal) utilisé pour faire la musique 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dúróm corne d'animal 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dərem horn corne 1.3) Mefele (Crawford) dərum horn corne

2Proto-Sukur *twam horn corne 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) twam horn; a hard pointed part that grow usually in pairs, on the heads of some animals, eg cow, sheep and goats.

3Proto-Margi *tɨlɨm horn corne 3.1) Bura (Blench) tiᵐbul Horn of an animal 3.2) Kilba (Schuh) tələm horn

4Proto-Mandara *dɨrɨma horn corne 4.1) Matal (Branger) draw, dəraw horn corne 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dərawa,-ə 1 corne 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dermá corne (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dərme horn 4.5) Glavda (Owens) dərá horn 4.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dràwa horn 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) dərawa horn

5Proto-Mofu *dɨram horn corne 5.1) Muyang (Smith) edrem tusk ; horn corne 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) dràm corne d'animal 5.3) Merey (Gravina) dəram corne 5.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) dərom horn corne 5.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) təlam corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.5.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) tālām corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təlam corne à souffler (de buffle ou en bois)

6Proto-Maroua *dɨrɨm ʷ horn corne 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) durum corne, = marta: corne tabatière (tapa ngi zi'iñ) 6.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) drum corne 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) durom horn corne 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) durum corne 6.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) dùrūm horn corne

7Proto-Lamang *duli horn corne 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) duli horn 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) duli horn la corne

8Proto-Higi *tɨlimʷɨ horn corne 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tərmʷi horn 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tərimo horn (of animal); ivory 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) tə̀lìmə̀ corne
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dzagʷa nf. hat chapeau (10 groups, 21 languages) A
This root is found in almost all groups of the North sub-branch of Central Chadic, but in none of the groups of the South sub-branch. This is not known to be a borrowed root, and so may be a Central Chadic root, originating in Proto-Central Chadic North. The original type of hat could have been straw, cloth or leather. There is some variation between /gʷ/ and /kʷ/, and in the vocalisation patterns, and these changes are unestablished.

1Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒugo hat chapeau 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzúgē helmet bonnet

2Proto-Margi *dzakʷa hat chapeau 2.1) Bura (Blench) dzakʷa Hat; cap or soft hat

3Proto-Mandara *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 3.1) Matal (Branger) dzakʷa hat chapeau 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzakʷa,-u chapeau 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzakʷé bonnet (m) 3.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zákʷa hat

4Proto-Mofu *dzagʷɨ hat chapeau 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàgù hat chapeau 4.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑku hat made of cloth chapeau 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒogo hat chapeau; bonnet 4.4) Merey (Gravina) dzagʷa chapeau 4.4.1) Merey (Gravina) dzakʷa bonnet ou chapeau 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒiggo hat chapeau 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒikʷew bonnet

5Proto-Maroua *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒijku chapeau 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒoko hat chapeau

6Proto-Lamang *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzoŋo hat 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzugʷa leather hat le chapeau de cuir

7Proto-Kotoko Island *ⁿdzakʷa hat chapeau 7.1) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa hat chapeau 7.2) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa bonnet (n : [njakwa]).

8Proto-Kotoko North *sagʷa hat chapeau 8.1) Mpade (Allison) ságʷá hat chapeau

9Proto-Kotoko South *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 9.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàkú hat chapeau

10Proto-Musgum *zagaw hat chapeau 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) zagaw bonnet
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dzaj v. to bite mordre (5 groups, 14 languages) syn: hʷɨpɨɗ.
This root is largely stable, with the only change being the unestablished change *dz to /ts/ in the Daba and Maroua groups. The final *j is realised as the palatalisation prosody in the Mafa, Mandara and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic process. The Proto-Daba root is prenasalised, which is also a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Daba *ntsa bite mordre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ bite (v) mordre 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ gnaw ronger 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ sting piquer 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ bite (v) mordre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ sting piquer 1.3) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgàtʃ mordre, tourmenter, aboyer

2Proto-Mafa *dza ʸ bite mordre 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n dʒe mordre 2.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dʒ- mordre

3Proto-Mandara *dza ʸ bite mordre 3.1) Matal (Branger) matsaj bite mordre 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒewé 1 mordre 3.3) Malgwa (Löhr) dʒa bite, beat (with stick) 3.4) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿdzaxa bite

4Proto-Mofu *dzaj bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mātsāj mordre, piquer plusieurs fois 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) dze(-r) mordre 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzaj bite (v) mordre 4.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) a dzaj mordre 4.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) medze strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj mordre 4.4.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj piquer (serpent) 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́z mordre, piquer (serpent)

5Proto-Maroua *tsɨ ʸ bite mordre 5.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃi mordre
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dzavɨn nf. guinea fowl pintade (17 groups, 49 languages) B
Although this is one of the most widely attested roots in Central Chadic, the reconstruction presents some difficulties. The initial *dz is only retained in two groups. It is realised as *ts in five groups and as *z in ten groups. Only in the Gidar and Kotoko Centre groups is this change regular. *dz is preferred for the reconstruction as being the most likely to produce the other two realisations. The *v is realised as *f in Kotoko North (a regular change), as *b in the Sukur and Mandara groups (an unestablished change), and as *p in the Mafa group (also an unestablished change). The *n is realised as *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups, which is a regular change. The labialisation in the Bata and Maroua groups is a sporadic innovation, as is the palatalisation in the Tera, Mandara and Musgum groups.

1Proto-Bata *zavʷɨn guineafowl pintade 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) zòovə̀ná guinea fowl 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) zavʷənən Pintade 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) zavunə pintade 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) zavənkən la pintade

2Proto-Daba *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zɑvɑn guinea fowl pintade 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) zɑvən guinea fowl pintade 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zavaŋ guinea fowl pintade 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàvə́n la pintade

3Proto-Mafa *zapan guineafowl pintade 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zápán pintade 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) zapaŋ guinea fowl pintade

4Proto-Tera *tsivan guineafowl pintade 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃivan guinea-fowl pintade 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʃivan guinea fowl pintade

5Proto-Sukur *zabɨn guinea fowl pintade 5.1) Sukur (David) zabən guineafowl pintade 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) zabən guineafowl; is the general term for guinea fowl; it has dark grey feathers with white spots. There are two types of guineafowls: demostic and bush guineafowls.

6Proto-Hurza *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzavan guinea fowl pintade 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) sàvnàk partridge pintade

7Proto-Margi *tsɨvɨr guineafowl pintade 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) tsəvər guinea-fowl pintade 7.2) Kilba (Schuh) tsəvər guinea fowl pintade 7.3) Bura (Blench) tsə̀və́ra Guinea fowl

8Proto-Mandara *zabɨra ʸ guineafowl pintade 8.1) Matal (Branger) zavər guineafowl pintade 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) zaᵐbəra,-a pintade 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ʒábèrá pintade (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ʒebre guinea fowl pintade 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʒàbɾa guinea fowl pintade 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) žeeb guinea fowl pintade 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) zabə guinea fowl pintade

9Proto-Mofu *dzavɨr guineafowl pintade 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zàvàr guinea fowl pintade 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑvɑr guinea fowl pintade 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) zàvàr pintade 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdzávə́r pintade f. 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.7) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzàvár pintade 9.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzávár pintade 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿdʒavár pintade commune (Gudur)

10Proto-Maroua *tsɨvɨn ʷ guineafowl pintade 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuvuŋ pintade 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuvon guinea fowl pintade 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃufuŋ pintade

11Proto-Lamang *zɨvɨn guineafowl pintade 11.1) Hdi (Bramlett) zəvnək guinea hen la pintade

12Proto-Higi *zivɨn guineafowl pintade 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) zəvənə guinea fowl pintade 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) zivəno guinea fowl pintade 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) zə̀və́nì pintade

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsafan guineafowl pintade 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨfan; gɨdɨgo guinea fowl pintade 13.2) Mpade (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.3) Malgbe (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.4) Maltam (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zavan guineafowl pintade 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zavan guinea fowl pintade 14.2) Mser (Allison) savan guinea fowl pintade

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzavaŋ guineafowl pintade 15.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒavaŋ guinea fowl pintade

16Proto-Musgum *tsaavan ʸ guineafowl pintade 16.1) Mbara (Tourneux) tʃeeveŋ helmet guinea-fowl pintade

17Proto-Gidar *zamvɨna guinea fowl pintade 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zamvəna pintade 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) samvəna/a pintade 17.3) Gidar (Hungerford) zafʼna pintade
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dzɨdzɨ ʸ nm. grandfather grand-père (8 groups, 17 languages) A
The initial *dz has the reflex *ts in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Margi, which is an unestablished change in both cases. In Proto-Mandara both *dz have become *d, also an unestablished change. The palatalisation prosody is supported by the data from all the groups. In the Mandara group, the palatalisation prosody has effected the *d. This was followed by a regular change where palatalised alveolars become palatalised velars, resulting in *dʲ→gʲ. In Mbuko and Sukur, the reflex of the root is not reduplicated, but other material has been added.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather gradn-père 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ grandfather, grandfather's male sibling or cousin. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dzədzən Grand-père ; les enfants appellent leur grand-père "dzedza" comme lui aussi les appelle de la même façon. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒidʒə grandpère 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) dzədze grand-père

2Proto-Daba *dzadzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒe grandparent grand-parent 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒedʒi grandparent grand-parent

3Proto-Sukur *dzɨkʷɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiku grand father:- father to your father or to your mother.

4Proto-Hurza *tsɨdza ʸ grandfather grand-père 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) bidʒe grandfather grand-père 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃèdʒé grandfather ; grandad grand-parents

5Proto-Margi *tsɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.2) Margi South (Harley) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) adʒi grandchild, grandparent

6Proto-Mandara *dɨdɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 6.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) éggje grand-père, grand-mère, petit(s) fils/fille 6.1.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) eggjááje grand-parent (m)(fam.) 6.2) Malgwa (Löhr) əggje grandparents

7Proto-Lamang *dzidzi grandfather grand-père 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzidzi grandfather 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzidzi grandfather le grand-père

8Proto-Higi *dzʲɨdzʲɨ grandfather grand-père 8.1) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìdʒì grand-père
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dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts
t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.

1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic

2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic

3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.

5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic

6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.

7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic

8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
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dzɨvaj n. tomb tombeau (6 groups, 13 languages) A
The word denotes the hole in which a body is buried, which may be a vertical hole leading to a small chamber and covered with a rock. The *dz has undergone the unestablished change to /ts/ in Daba and some Mofu group languages, and to /z/ in the Maroua group. The *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic change. The range of use of the root implies an origin in the Mandara Mountains, and may reflect an ancient Daba-Mafa practice.

1Proto-Daba *tsɨvɨʔ ʸ grave tombeau 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) tʃìvīʼ la tombe

2Proto-Mafa *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzavaj tombeau 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒəvaj grave tombe, tombeau

3Proto-Hurza *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒəvaj tomb tombeau

4Proto-Mandara *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 4.1) Matal (Branger) zəvaj grave tombe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dʒúve,-i tombeau

5Proto-Mofu *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 5.1) Zulgo (Haller) dìve tombeau m. 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzəva la tombe 5.3) Merey (Gravina) tsəvaj tombe 5.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɗ[i tsə̀vàj tombe (cou) 5.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́tsəvaj tombe

6Proto-Maroua *zɨvɨ ʸ grave tombeau 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) zivi tombe 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) zive grave tombe, tombeau
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dzɨvɨ ʸ n. arm bras (4 groups, 14 languages) C syn: paɮa, hɨra.
This root is found in the south-west of the Central Chadic area. Evidence for the palatalisation prosody comes only from the Bata group. The *dz is realised as /ts/ or /t/ in the Bata group, and as /d/ or /r/ in the Mandara group. There is a regular change *d to /r/ within the Mandara group, but only in intervocalic position. The other changes are unestablished.

1Proto-Bata *tsɨvɨ ʸ arm bras 1.1) Bata (Boyd) tɨ̀fe hand 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃíinə (inher. poss., body part) hand, arm. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tʃijən Main ; c'est un mot qui sert aussi à montrer d'autres parties de la main : 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tivi bras, main 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) tʃəve la main, le bras

2Proto-Mandara *dɨva arm bras 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) érva bras (m), main (f) 2.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ərva hand 2.3) Glavda (Owens) də́ hand 2.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va arm 2.3.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va hand 2.4) Dghwede (Frick) dəva arm, hand

3Proto-Lamang *dzɨvɨw arm bras 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzə̀vò hand 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzəvu hand la main

4Proto-Higi *dzɨvɨ arm bras 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dziɓə hand 4.2) Psikye (Angelo) dzəvə hand 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) də̀və̀ main
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dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche

2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche

3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.

5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche

6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche

7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche

8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)

9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche

10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche

11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche

12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche

16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche

17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
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dzɨwɨn ʸ nf. elephant éléphant (5 groups, 13 languages) A syn: ᵐbɨlala ʸ, gɨwɨn, nɨvi.
This root is one of several roots for elephant. It is possible cognate with *gɨwɨn, but the two roots would have developed along very different paths. The change *dz→ts in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi is not known as a regular change, though Proto-Margi did have the change *z→s. There was a regular change *n→r in word-final position in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. There is support for the palatalization prosody in all groups.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨwɨnɨ ʸ elephant éléphant 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃóonà -ə elephant 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dʒuunən Eléphant

2Proto-Tera *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 2.1) Tera (Newman) dʒuwan elephant 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒuwan elephant 2.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) tʃhuwena elephant

3Proto-Sukur *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwan elephant 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiwan elephant; a large animal with thick grey skin, large ears, two curved teeth called tusk and long nose called trunk.

4Proto-Margi *tsɨwar ʸ elephant éléphant 4.1) Bura (Blench) tʃiwar The elephant 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) tʃuwar elephant 4.3) Margi South (Harley) tʃiwar elephant

5Proto-Higi *tsʲɨwɨn elephant éléphant 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tʃhiwə elephant 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tʃhiwe elephant 5.3) Kirya (Blench) tʃùúnə́ elephant 5.4) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìwə̀ éléphant
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ɗakʷa ʸ adj. white blanc (7 groups, 17 languages) B
This root has two primary reflexes, *ɗakʷ and *kʷaɗ. The first is found in the Mandara and Musgum groups, and the second in the groups around the Mandara Mountains. It is not possible to be certain which of these constituted the Proto-Central Chadic root, or if it took the form *kʷaɗak. Palatalization is attested in many of the groups.

1Proto-Daba *kʷɨkʷɨɗak ʸ white blanc 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kjkjɗːek (be) white (être) blanc

2Proto-Mafa *kʷaɗ ʸ white blanc 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kʷíɗ-kʷíɗɗeʼe blanc 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kʷeɗ kʷeɗ tout blanc

3Proto-Hurza *maɗakʷa ʸ, kʷaɗak ʸ white blanc 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kʷeɗekkʷeɗek white tout blanc 3.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kʷekʷeɗek white blanc 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mēɗēkʷé white blanc

4Proto-Mandara *maɗakʷɨ white blanc 4.1) Matal (Branger) mǣɗɪ́kʷᵘ̀ɡā white blanc 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) meɗékʷe,-u blancheur 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) meɗékʷe blanchir 4.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) meɗékulá meɗekʷe le blanchir 4.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) màɗᵊkʷa (be) white 4.4) Dghwede (Frick) matʼakʷa white

5Proto-Mofu *kʷaɗak ʸ white blanc 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mèɗèkʷè white blanc 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) kʷeɗek kʷeɗek blanc 5.3) Merey (Gravina) kuɗekuɗek blanc 5.3.1) Merey (Gravina) mezebe kʷeɗek herre (be) white (être) blanc 5.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) kʷēɗék kʷēɗék blanc 5.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kʷéɗék kʷéɗék blanc (des cendres, de poussière, de froid)

6Proto-Maroua *kʷaɗak ʸ white blanc 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kʷeɗek blanc

7Proto-Musgum *mɨɗɨkʷɨj white blanc 7.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) muɗukʷii blanc 7.2) Vulum (Tourneux) muɗukʷii blanc
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ɗakʷɨr n. grey hair cheveux gris (7 groups, 17 languages) B
This root is possibly related to the root *ɗakʷa ʸ 'white'. As expected, the *r has become *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, i.e. Mandara, Mofu and Maroua, and in Cuvok (Mafa group). The labialisation component of *kʷ has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Maroua and Proto-Daba, which is a common sporadic change. In these same languages, the resulting *k has become *h, an unestablished change. The initial *ɗ has been lost in many languages, which is a common sporadic change. This has resulted in compensatory reduplication in Daba, also a common sporadic change.

1Proto-Daba *hɨhɨl ʷ grey hair cheveux gris 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) hùhúl les cheveux gris

2Proto-Mafa *kʷaraj grey hair cheveux gris 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kʷalaj white hair cheveux blancs

3Proto-Sukur *kʷir grey hair cheveux gris 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) kʷir grey; having grey hair.

4Proto-Hurza *ɗakʷar grey hair cheveux gris 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗəɗukʷar grey hairs cheveux gris 4.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dədukʷar cheveux gris 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ākʷár hair, white se dit des cheveux blancs qui se trouvent sur la tête d'un vieux.

5Proto-Mandara *kʷɨlɨ grey hair cheveux gris 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kulala,-ə cheveu blanc 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) kulije cheveu blanc

6Proto-Mofu *ɗakʷɨl grey hair cheveux gris 6.1) Muyang (Smith) ɑkʷɑl white hair cheveux blancs 6.2) Mada (Nkoumou) akkʷal cheveux blancs 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) ɗakʷəl white hair cheveux blanc 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) akúl cheveux (m.pl.) blancs 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) akʷal white hair cheveux blancs 6.6) Merey (Gravina) maɗakʷal white hair cheveux blancs 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) maɗakol white hair cheveux blancs 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) egʷel white hair cheveux blancs

7Proto-Maroua *hal ʷ grey hair cheveux gris 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hol cheveux blancs 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) anhol white hair cheveux blancs
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ɗap nf. millet ball boule de mil (10 groups, 26 languages) A
This root is the common word for the lump of cooked millet that forms the staple in the region. The root is extremely stable. It is found across the Northern Mandara Mountains and the Nigerian Plains. In Proto-Central Chadic, *p was realised as [f] word-finally, and this became phonemicized in the descendants of Proto-Central Chadic.

1Proto-Bata *ɗafa food boule 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) ɗafan Nourriture

2Proto-Mafa *ɗaf millet boule 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɗaf food boule de mil, repas 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗaf boule

3Proto-Sukur *ɗaf millet lump boule de mil 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaf food: things that people or animals eats.

4Proto-Hurza *ɗaf millet boule 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗaf millet ball, food boule de mil, nourriture 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɗə̄fkā boule de mil

5Proto-Margi *ɗɨfɨ millet boule 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) ɗəfə mush, boule 5.2) Margi South (Harley) dufau food 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) ɗəfa tuwo, millet boule

6Proto-Mandara *ɗafɨ millet boule 6.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗafá,-ə boule, nourriture qui se mange avec la sauce 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɗáfá couscous (m), nourriture (f) 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) ɗafa food gen.(cooked)

7Proto-Mofu *ɗaf millet boule 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗàf fufu boule 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗɑf ball of millet couscous, staple food boule de mil, nourriture de base 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) ɗaf food; meal; boule repas; boule 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗaf boule (f.) de mil 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗaf food nourriture 7.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗaf nourriture 7.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗaf sorghum ball "boule de mil" (fr. d'Afrique) ; nourriture

8Proto-Maroua *ɗaf millet boule 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗaf(Mj), ɗaf (Mt, Mv) nourriture, repas, manger (boule de mil plus sauce) 8.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗaf boule

9Proto-Lamang *ɗafa millet boule 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗafa millet boule 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗafa sorghum mush, food la boule

10Proto-Higi *ɗafa millet boule 10.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɗafa food 10.2) Kirya (Blench) ɗàfà food 10.3) Bana (Lienhard) ɗàfà nourriture
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