Search results for "bana"

bana v. to wash laver (13 groups, 34 languages) A
This root is unusual in that it contains *b. There was a general change from Proto-Chadic *b to *v in Proto-Central Chadic, but this root appears as an exception to this change. The change of the medial *n to /r/ in the Mandara and Mofu groups is a regular change in the Mandara group, but in the Mofu group the data from other roots is less consistent and the change is unestablished.

1Proto-Bata *binɨ wash laver 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) binən Se laver ;

2Proto-Daba *ban wash laver 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver, laver 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn wash utensils laver la vaiselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ wash (tr) laver 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ bathe (intr) se laver 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) pān se laver ; soulever

3Proto-Mafa *pana wash laver 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) pán se laver 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash clothes laver (habits) 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) pana bathe (intr) se laver 3.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash (tr) laver

4Proto-Sukur *banvɨ wash laver 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) banvə bathe:- to wash a body with water.

5Proto-Hurza *bana wash laver 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash laver 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash clothes faire le linge 5.1.2) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash oneself se laver 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 1 wash laver_(se) 5.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 2 wash laver 5.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 3 bathe baigner

6Proto-Mandara *bara wash laver 6.1) Matal (Branger) màpàlàj wash laver 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pará 1 laver 6.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bárga bathe, wash oneself 6.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) báɾga wash (clothes, utensils)

7Proto-Mofu *bara wash laver 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ laver qqch 7.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēréŋ wash sthg laver 7.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ anaŋ laver qqch 7.1.3) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraká laver; laver la saleté de... 7.1.4) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bārāká laver de; laver la saleté de... 7.1.5) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāríjà wash(os) se laver 7.1.6) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēríjà se laver 7.1.7) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraha laver; laver (vaisselle, habit) 7.1.8) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāráhá laver ; s´éclairer 7.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑbɑ wash_out laver quelque chose à l'intérieur 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑfəŋ wash out a recpient laver les saletés d'un récipient 7.2.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑj wash ; baptise laver; se laver; baptiser 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) mabalafaŋa laver (habits, vaisselle) 7.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) mábàlá se laver (baptiser) 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) balaj wash in general mot général pour laver 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) bara bara bo laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) bara laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere laver 7.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.6.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere peteke wash clothes laver (habits) 7.6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara bara bo wash (tr) laver 7.6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara wash (tr) laver 7.7) Merey (Gravina) bara bo bathe (intr) se laver 7.7.1) Merey (Gravina) bara wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (zana) wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (tasahaj) wash utensils laver (vaisselle, ustensiles) 7.8.3) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej wash (tr) laver 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mépə́réj laver 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pər (se) laver, (se) baigner,

8Proto-Maroua *buna wash laver 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun laver, se laver, se baigner; laver le vêtement (bruit de lavage); laver 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun se purifier - grâce au rite de purification la femme a fait des rites pour avoir des enfants 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun wash (tr) laver 8.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun bathe (intr) se laver 8.2.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) buna wash clothes laver (habits) 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ban laver

9Proto-Higi *pi wash laver 9.1) Psikye (Angelo) pe wash 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) se laver, se baigner

10Proto-Kotoko Island *benu wash laver 10.1) Buduma (McKone) benuə; bəan bathe (intr) se laver 10.2) Buduma (McKone) benu laver. 10.3) Buduma (McKone) benuə wash (tr) laver

11Proto-Kotoko North *ᵐban wash laver 11.1) Mpade (Allison) ᵐban bathe (intr) se laver 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) ᵐbari bathe (intr) se laver

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *ban wash laver 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) bɨ̀nì bathe (intr) se laver 12.2) Mser (Allison) ban bathe (intr) se laver

13Proto-Kotoko South *bana wash laver 13.1) Zina (Odden) bànà bathe (intr) se laver
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ɓaɣʷ v. to hide cacher (5 groups, 11 languages) B
Although this root is only attested in 11 languages, these are from a wide area and diverse groups, and so this root is likely to have come from Proto-Central Chadic. In Proto-Daba there is an unestablished change *ɣʷ→h
ʷ. The labializtion component was lost in all languages, except for Daba where it was reanalysed as the labialization prosody. The same unestablished change took place in Podoko in the Mandara group. In the Mofu group there was a regular change *ɣʷhʷ in the Tokombere subgroup, and in Muyang the *h was lost in a sporadic change, leaving behind the labialization component. In the Mofu subgroup there was a regular change *ɣʷ→w. In Mofu-Gudur the *w was lost as a sporadic change. In Bata the labialisation has transferred to the *ɓ. In Bana there has been metathesis of the two consonants.

1Proto-Bata *ɓʷaɣ hide cacher 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ɓòò he hid his money; I hid from him; hide me, hide you; hide food from me, from you 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ɓʷəɣən Se cacher ; 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ɓʷah (se) cacher

2Proto-Daba *ɓahʷ hide cacher 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh hide (tr) cacher 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh store garder 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑh shelter abriter 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑh store (up) garder, emmagasiner 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑh hide cacher 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəɓah hide (tr) cacher 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) ɓōh cacher, se cacher

3Proto-Mandara *ɓɨhʷa hide cacher 3.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɓəhʷá cacher

4Proto-Mofu *ɓa ʷ hide cacher 4.1) Muyang (Smith) ɓu hide ; avoid se cacher 4.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɓ ́ (se) cacher

5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨɓɨ hide cacher 5.1) Bana (Lienhard) ɣùɓə́ se cacher (pour attrapper qqch.k)
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ɓɨwak num. two deux (5 groups, 14 languages) C syn: tsɨjɨw, sɨwra, kasi.
This is one of a number of roots for 'two' found in Central Chadic. The range of languages where this root is attested implies a reasonable age, but it is more likely that *sɨwra was the Proto-Central Chadic root. The *ɓ has become /b/ in several languages, and a labial-velar double plosive in a few others. These changes are unestablished. The double plosive may be due to the *w merging with *ɓ, which is a known sporadic process. In many cases the *w has been lost sporadically, but in Kamwe-Nkafa it has merged with the *ɓ resulting in /ɓʷ/.

1Proto-Bata *ɓɨjak two deux 1.1) Bata (Boyd) kpjáq two 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) biik Chiffre deux

2Proto-Daba *ɓɨk two deux 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) bək two (2) deux (2)

3Proto-Sukur *bak two deux 3.1) Sukur (David) bak two

4Proto-Mandara *bɨwa two deux 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) bua two deux 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) buwa two 4.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bùːwa two (2)

5Proto-Higi *ɓɨwak two deux 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɓʷàgə́ Two 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɓakəo two 5.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓə̀kə̀ two 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) bák two 5.5) Bana (Lienhard) bák(ə) deux
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d v. to cook préparer (13 groups, 37 languages) A cf: tɨsaw, sɨwra.
This is the generic root for 'to cook'. The devoicing of *d to *t in the Margi and Higi groups is a regular change. The Malgwa root /gʲa/ is due to a regular general process where palatalised alveolar consonants become palatalised velar consonants.

1Proto-Daba *da cook préparer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) cook (faire) cuire, cuisiner 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ̄ wɛ́ⁿdʒɛ̀k bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəduda prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəda bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) préparer la nourriture ; éclater 1.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) s'emploie, si on répète les paroles d'un autre, à la fin de la citation

2Proto-Sukur *dɨ cook préparer 2.1) Sukur (David) cook, to 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) cooking; is the general term for cooking.

3Proto-Hurza *da cook préparer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) da cook préparer

4Proto-Margi *ta cook préparer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ta To cook (certain foods for first time) 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) ti To cook 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ta to cook 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a cook (tuwo, miya etc.) 4.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a get done (food)

5Proto-Mandara *da cook préparer 5.1) Matal (Branger) mataj cook préparer 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) cuire 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gja cook 5.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tá káfa prepare (food to cook)

6Proto-Mofu *da cook préparer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) prepare food préparer le manger 6.2) Muyang (Smith) di make, do, cook in a pot; sing préparer; chanter 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) médè cuire (faire-, préparer de la nourriture), coucher (se-pour le soleil) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) de cook préparer la nouriture 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) da cuire 6.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) de cuire 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mede cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.7) Merey (Gravina) da prepare (food to cook); cook (v) préparer; préparer (la nourriture); (faire) cuire, cuisiner 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) madaj cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *t cook préparer 6.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) métēj (faire) cuire, préparer 6.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) t ́ (faire) cuire, préparer (un repas, un sacrifice) ; chauffer

7Proto-Maroua *di cook préparer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) di préparer, cuire, cuisiner 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) di daf prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) di préparer (nourriture)

8Proto-Lamang *da cook préparer 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) da cook

9Proto-Higi *ta cook préparer 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ta cook 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ta cook 9.3) Kirya (Blench) cook 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) také cook 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) cuire, préparer dans l'eau ou dans beaucoup d'huile

10Proto-Kotoko North *da cook préparer 10.1) Mpade (Allison) dá (lɨ) básù roast rôtir

11Proto-Kotoko South *udo cook préparer 11.1) Mazera (Allison) udo cook (v) (faire) cuire, cuisiner

12Proto-Musgum *di cook préparer 12.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) di cuire (une sauce) 12.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tii cook cuire

13Proto-Gidar *ɨda cook préparer 13.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨda, əda préparer, cuisiner, (faire) cuire
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daɣɨlɨj nf. young woman jeune fille (9 groups, 21 languages) B cf: dɨm ʸ.
This word denotes a girl or young woman who is old enough to marry but is not yet married. The presence of *l in this root indicates that it may have originated within the North sub-branch of Central Chadic. Proto-Central Chadic had no *l, but this phoneme was introduced into the North sub-branch by a regular change *r to l. However, the Daba, Mafa, Sukur and Hurza groups do not belong to the North sub-branch. It is possible that the root has been borrowed into these languages, since the languages where the root is present are those with strong contact with languages of the North sub-branch. The *ɣ has become /g/ in some languages in the Higi and Sukur groups, an unestablished change. It has become /h/ in many groups. In Proto-Mandara this is a regular change, but in the Mofu group the change is irregular. Elsewhere the change is unestablished. In some cases this /h/ has been deleted. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Mandara and Maroua groups, as consonant palatalisation in the Higi group, and as a vowel in the Sukur, Higi and Lamang groups. These are all common sporadic changes.

1Proto-Daba *dahalaj girl fille 1.1) Gavar (Viljoen) dɑhɑlɑj young woman jeune fille 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dalaj young woman jeune fille

2Proto-Mafa *dahla girl fille 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dahla young woman jeune fille

3Proto-Sukur *dɨgɨli young woman jeune fille 3.1) Sukur (David) dəgəli girl, unmarried 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dəgəli unmarried mature girl; is the general term for unmarried mature girl.

4Proto-Hurza *dalaj girl fille 4.1) Mbuko dalaj girl fille 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dìlè daughter fille

5Proto-Mandara *dahɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) də́həla,-ə jeune fille 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gjáále jeune fille (f) 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gjaale girl, daughter 5.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) gjala girls

6Proto-Mofu *dahɨlaj girl fille 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dàŋgʷàlàj girl fille 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dɑhɑlɑj a marriageable girl fille à l'âge de se marier 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) dalaj girl fille 6.4) Merey (Gravina) dahəlaj young woman jeune fille,épouse 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj bride mariée 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj jeune fille 6.5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəla jeune fille 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) dahəlaj bride mariée

7Proto-Maroua *dɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dijli jeune fille 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dili daughter fille

8Proto-Higi *diɣɨlʲi girl fille 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digəlji unmarriedgirl 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digiljí young-girl 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dàɣàlà jeune fille

9Proto-Lamang *daɣali girl fille 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) daɣele girl, young woman 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) daɣali young woman la jeune fille
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daŋ nm. drum tambour (6 groups, 10 languages) (Technological Spread) cf: gaᵑga.
This word probably denotes an hour-glass shaped drum held under the armpit. It is most probably a root that has spread across languages with the introduction of this type of drum, with the source being somewhere in Nigeria.

1Proto-Bata *daŋɨ drum tambour 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dàŋá -ə small hourgrass shaped drum, H. Kalangu. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) daŋən Petit tambour qui a la forme de X qui sert d'accompagnement pour les autres grands tambours.

2Proto-Tera *daᵑg drum tambour 2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) daᵑg talking drum

3Proto-Sukur *daŋ drum tambour 3.1) Sukur (David) daŋ drum 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) daŋ drum; a musical instrument made of a hollow round frame plastic or wood and skin strretched across one or both end. Your play it by hitting it with sticks or with your hands.

4Proto-Margi *daŋ drum tambour 4.1) Bura (Blench) daᵑg drum with two heads 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) daŋ drum (generic)

5Proto-Mandara *deŋʷɨ drum tambour 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) deŋú deŋʷé,-u tam-tam à l'aisselle

6Proto-Higi *daŋɨ ʸ drum tambour 6.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) dàᵑgjí Kind of drum. 6.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) djaᵑga talking drum 6.3) Bana (Lienhard) dáŋ tamtam sous le bras, peau de varan, esp. de petit
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dɨɣʷɨvan nm. leopard panthère (5 groups, 13 languages) D
The general sense of the root is 'leopard', though in Dugwor, Mbazla and possibly Merey the root is part of a compound, implying that it may have a different or more generic meaning. The root itself is difficult to reconstruct. The *n to r change in the Mofu group is regular. The loss of *ɣʷ is normal, though often the labialisation component remains in some form. In the Bata group the labialisation has transferred to *v.

1Proto-Bata *dɨgɨvʷa leopard léopard 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) dəgəvʷan La panthère 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) digvʷa panthère, léopard 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dəgəva la panthère

2Proto-Sukur *dɨgʷavak leopard léopard 2.1) Sukur (David) dəgʷavak leopard léopard 2.2) Sukur (David) duguvu hyena hyène 2.3) Sukur (Thomas) dəgʷavak leopard

3Proto-Mofu *dɨvar leopard léopard 3.1) Zulgo (Haller) də̀var panthère f., léopard m. 3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dəvar panthère 3.3) Merey (Gravina) dəvar panthère 3.3.1) Merey (Gravina) dəvar dzidzege leopard léopard 3.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) dəvar j peɬ leopard léopard 3.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dəvá Léopard ("panthère")

4Proto-Maroua *dɨvaŋ leopard léopard 4.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) dəvaŋ garak léopard 4.1.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) dəvaŋ lion

5Proto-Higi *dɨɣʷava leopard léopard 5.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dəɣʷava leopard 5.2) Psikye (Angelo) ɗəgʷava hyena hyène 5.2.1) Psikye (Angelo) dəgʷava hyena hyène 5.3) Bana (Lienhard) d(ə̀)ɣʷàvà panthère
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dɨrɨm nf. animal horn corne d'un animal (8 groups, 26 languages) C syn: lagan, ᵐbɨkʷɨm, mahʷa.
This root poses some interesting problems in reconstruction. The change *d to t in the Margi and Higi groups is regular. We also expect to find *r becoming *l in all groups except for Mafa and Sukur. However there are exceptions in the Mandara, Mofu and Maroua groups. The Mafa and Mofu data indicate that there are two cognate roots interfering, with *dɨrɨm being the horn of an animal, and *tɨlɨm being an animal horn used as a musical instrument. Another difficulty is the presence of labialisation in many of the groups. The change *m to /w/ in the Mandara group is regular, and in the Lamang group is a common sporadic change. However we also have labialisation in the Mafa, Sukur, Maroua and Higi groups that has not come from *m. In the Maroua group this is a common sporadic change, but the present reconstruction does not account for the introduction of labialisation in the other groups.

1Proto-Mafa *dɨram ʷ horn corne 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) tolom corne (animal) utilisé pour faire la musique 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dúróm corne d'animal 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dərem horn corne 1.3) Mefele (Crawford) dərum horn corne

2Proto-Sukur *twam horn corne 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) twam horn; a hard pointed part that grow usually in pairs, on the heads of some animals, eg cow, sheep and goats.

3Proto-Margi *tɨlɨm horn corne 3.1) Bura (Blench) tiᵐbul Horn of an animal 3.2) Kilba (Schuh) tələm horn

4Proto-Mandara *dɨrɨma horn corne 4.1) Matal (Branger) draw, dəraw horn corne 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dərawa,-ə 1 corne 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dermá corne (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dərme horn 4.5) Glavda (Owens) dərá horn 4.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dràwa horn 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) dərawa horn

5Proto-Mofu *dɨram horn corne 5.1) Muyang (Smith) edrem tusk ; horn corne 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) dràm corne d'animal 5.3) Merey (Gravina) dəram corne 5.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) dərom horn corne 5.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) təlam corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.5.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) tālām corne (de buffle ou en bois) 5.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) təlam corne à souffler (de buffle ou en bois)

6Proto-Maroua *dɨrɨm ʷ horn corne 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) durum corne, = marta: corne tabatière (tapa ngi zi'iñ) 6.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) drum corne 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) durom horn corne 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) durum corne 6.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) dùrūm horn corne

7Proto-Lamang *duli horn corne 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) duli horn 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) duli horn la corne

8Proto-Higi *tɨlimʷɨ horn corne 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tərmʷi horn 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tərimo horn (of animal); ivory 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) tə̀lìmə̀ corne
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dzaraj nm. locust criquet migrateur (9 groups, 22 languages) A cf: haɗikʷ.
This word denotes the locust, known well in the region for appearing periodically in huge swarms and devastating crops. The change *dz to /z/ in Gidar is regular, as is the change *r to *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, though the Mofu, Maroua and Gidar groups do not show this change. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba group, and possibly in the Tera group, which is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Daba *dzara ʸ locust locuste 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒere locust locuste, criquet 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒeri locust locuste, criquet 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒere locust locuste, criquet

2Proto-Mafa *dzaraj locust locuste 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzaraj criquet 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒaraj locust locuste, criquet

3Proto-Tera *ⁿdzere locust locuste 3.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒoola locust criquet 3.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ⁿdʒere cricket

4Proto-Sukur *dzalaj locust criquet migrateur 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) dzalai locust; an insect that lives in hot countries and flies in lage groups, destroying and the plants and crops of an area.

5Proto-Hurza *dzaraj locust locuste 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzaraj locust criquet migrateur 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùràj cricket criquets qui se déplacent en grands nombres qui dévastent la récolte.

6Proto-Mofu *dzaraj locust locuste 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàràj locust, grasshopper sauterelle, locuste, criquet migrateur 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑrɑj Plague Locust locuste migratoire, criquet 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) dʒara criquet migrateur (criquet pélérin) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒaraj locust criquet; sauterelle 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) dzará sauterelle f. sp. 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzara sauterelle 6.7) Merey (Gravina) dzaraj locust locuste, criquet migrateur 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzārāj criquet migrateur 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒáraj criquet migrateur (dévastateur des plantes)

7Proto-Maroua *dzaraj locust locuste 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒaraj criquets pèlerins dévasteurs

8Proto-Higi *dzalaj locust locuste 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dzala locust criquet 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìr criquet migrateur

9Proto-Gidar *zaraj locust criquet migrateur 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zaraj criquet, sauterelle
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dzavɨn nf. guinea fowl pintade (17 groups, 49 languages) B
Although this is one of the most widely attested roots in Central Chadic, the reconstruction presents some difficulties. The initial *dz is only retained in two groups. It is realised as *ts in five groups and as *z in ten groups. Only in the Gidar and Kotoko Centre groups is this change regular. *dz is preferred for the reconstruction as being the most likely to produce the other two realisations. The *v is realised as *f in Kotoko North (a regular change), as *b in the Sukur and Mandara groups (an unestablished change), and as *p in the Mafa group (also an unestablished change). The *n is realised as *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups, which is a regular change. The labialisation in the Bata and Maroua groups is a sporadic innovation, as is the palatalisation in the Tera, Mandara and Musgum groups.

1Proto-Bata *zavʷɨn guineafowl pintade 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) zòovə̀ná guinea fowl 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) zavʷənən Pintade 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) zavunə pintade 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) zavənkən la pintade

2Proto-Daba *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zɑvɑn guinea fowl pintade 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) zɑvən guinea fowl pintade 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zavaŋ guinea fowl pintade 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàvə́n la pintade

3Proto-Mafa *zapan guineafowl pintade 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zápán pintade 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) zapaŋ guinea fowl pintade

4Proto-Tera *tsivan guineafowl pintade 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃivan guinea-fowl pintade 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʃivan guinea fowl pintade

5Proto-Sukur *zabɨn guinea fowl pintade 5.1) Sukur (David) zabən guineafowl pintade 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) zabən guineafowl; is the general term for guinea fowl; it has dark grey feathers with white spots. There are two types of guineafowls: demostic and bush guineafowls.

6Proto-Hurza *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzavan guinea fowl pintade 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) sàvnàk partridge pintade

7Proto-Margi *tsɨvɨr guineafowl pintade 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) tsəvər guinea-fowl pintade 7.2) Kilba (Schuh) tsəvər guinea fowl pintade 7.3) Bura (Blench) tsə̀və́ra Guinea fowl

8Proto-Mandara *zabɨra ʸ guineafowl pintade 8.1) Matal (Branger) zavər guineafowl pintade 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) zaᵐbəra,-a pintade 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ʒábèrá pintade (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ʒebre guinea fowl pintade 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʒàbɾa guinea fowl pintade 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) žeeb guinea fowl pintade 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) zabə guinea fowl pintade

9Proto-Mofu *dzavɨr guineafowl pintade 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zàvàr guinea fowl pintade 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑvɑr guinea fowl pintade 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) zàvàr pintade 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdzávə́r pintade f. 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.7) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzàvár pintade 9.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzávár pintade 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿdʒavár pintade commune (Gudur)

10Proto-Maroua *tsɨvɨn ʷ guineafowl pintade 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuvuŋ pintade 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuvon guinea fowl pintade 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃufuŋ pintade

11Proto-Lamang *zɨvɨn guineafowl pintade 11.1) Hdi (Bramlett) zəvnək guinea hen la pintade

12Proto-Higi *zivɨn guineafowl pintade 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) zəvənə guinea fowl pintade 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) zivəno guinea fowl pintade 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) zə̀və́nì pintade

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsafan guineafowl pintade 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨfan; gɨdɨgo guinea fowl pintade 13.2) Mpade (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.3) Malgbe (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.4) Maltam (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zavan guineafowl pintade 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zavan guinea fowl pintade 14.2) Mser (Allison) savan guinea fowl pintade

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzavaŋ guineafowl pintade 15.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒavaŋ guinea fowl pintade

16Proto-Musgum *tsaavan ʸ guineafowl pintade 16.1) Mbara (Tourneux) tʃeeveŋ helmet guinea-fowl pintade

17Proto-Gidar *zamvɨna guinea fowl pintade 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zamvəna pintade 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) samvəna/a pintade 17.3) Gidar (Hungerford) zafʼna pintade
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dzɨdzɨ ʸ nm. grandfather grand-père (8 groups, 17 languages) A
The initial *dz has the reflex *ts in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Margi, which is an unestablished change in both cases. In Proto-Mandara both *dz have become *d, also an unestablished change. The palatalisation prosody is supported by the data from all the groups. In the Mandara group, the palatalisation prosody has effected the *d. This was followed by a regular change where palatalised alveolars become palatalised velars, resulting in *dʲ→gʲ. In Mbuko and Sukur, the reflex of the root is not reduplicated, but other material has been added.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather gradn-père 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ grandfather, grandfather's male sibling or cousin. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dzədzən Grand-père ; les enfants appellent leur grand-père "dzedza" comme lui aussi les appelle de la même façon. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒidʒə grandpère 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) dzədze grand-père

2Proto-Daba *dzadzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒe grandparent grand-parent 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒedʒi grandparent grand-parent

3Proto-Sukur *dzɨkʷɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiku grand father:- father to your father or to your mother.

4Proto-Hurza *tsɨdza ʸ grandfather grand-père 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) bidʒe grandfather grand-père 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃèdʒé grandfather ; grandad grand-parents

5Proto-Margi *tsɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.2) Margi South (Harley) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) adʒi grandchild, grandparent

6Proto-Mandara *dɨdɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 6.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) éggje grand-père, grand-mère, petit(s) fils/fille 6.1.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) eggjááje grand-parent (m)(fam.) 6.2) Malgwa (Löhr) əggje grandparents

7Proto-Lamang *dzidzi grandfather grand-père 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzidzi grandfather 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzidzi grandfather le grand-père

8Proto-Higi *dzʲɨdzʲɨ grandfather grand-père 8.1) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìdʒì grand-père
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dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts
t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.

1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic

2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic

3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.

5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic

6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.

7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic

8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
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dzɨvɨ ʸ n. arm bras (4 groups, 14 languages) C syn: paɮa, hɨra.
This root is found in the south-west of the Central Chadic area. Evidence for the palatalisation prosody comes only from the Bata group. The *dz is realised as /ts/ or /t/ in the Bata group, and as /d/ or /r/ in the Mandara group. There is a regular change *d to /r/ within the Mandara group, but only in intervocalic position. The other changes are unestablished.

1Proto-Bata *tsɨvɨ ʸ arm bras 1.1) Bata (Boyd) tɨ̀fe hand 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃíinə (inher. poss., body part) hand, arm. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tʃijən Main ; c'est un mot qui sert aussi à montrer d'autres parties de la main : 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tivi bras, main 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) tʃəve la main, le bras

2Proto-Mandara *dɨva arm bras 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) érva bras (m), main (f) 2.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ərva hand 2.3) Glavda (Owens) də́ hand 2.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va arm 2.3.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va hand 2.4) Dghwede (Frick) dəva arm, hand

3Proto-Lamang *dzɨvɨw arm bras 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzə̀vò hand 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzəvu hand la main

4Proto-Higi *dzɨvɨ arm bras 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dziɓə hand 4.2) Psikye (Angelo) dzəvə hand 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) də̀və̀ main
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dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche

2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche

3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche

4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.

5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche

6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche

7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche

8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)

9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche

10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche

11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche

12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.

13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche

15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche

16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche

17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
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dzɨwɨn ʸ nf. elephant éléphant (5 groups, 13 languages) A syn: ᵐbɨlala ʸ, gɨwɨn, nɨvi.
This root is one of several roots for elephant. It is possible cognate with *gɨwɨn, but the two roots would have developed along very different paths. The change *dz→ts in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi is not known as a regular change, though Proto-Margi did have the change *z→s. There was a regular change *n→r in word-final position in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. There is support for the palatalization prosody in all groups.

1Proto-Bata *dzɨwɨnɨ ʸ elephant éléphant 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃóonà -ə elephant 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dʒuunən Eléphant

2Proto-Tera *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 2.1) Tera (Newman) dʒuwan elephant 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒuwan elephant 2.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) tʃhuwena elephant

3Proto-Sukur *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwan elephant 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiwan elephant; a large animal with thick grey skin, large ears, two curved teeth called tusk and long nose called trunk.

4Proto-Margi *tsɨwar ʸ elephant éléphant 4.1) Bura (Blench) tʃiwar The elephant 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) tʃuwar elephant 4.3) Margi South (Harley) tʃiwar elephant

5Proto-Higi *tsʲɨwɨn elephant éléphant 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tʃhiwə elephant 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tʃhiwe elephant 5.3) Kirya (Blench) tʃùúnə́ elephant 5.4) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìwə̀ éléphant
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ɗap nf. millet ball boule de mil (10 groups, 26 languages) A
This root is the common word for the lump of cooked millet that forms the staple in the region. The root is extremely stable. It is found across the Northern Mandara Mountains and the Nigerian Plains. In Proto-Central Chadic, *p was realised as [f] word-finally, and this became phonemicized in the descendants of Proto-Central Chadic.

1Proto-Bata *ɗafa food boule 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) ɗafan Nourriture

2Proto-Mafa *ɗaf millet boule 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɗaf food boule de mil, repas 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗaf boule

3Proto-Sukur *ɗaf millet lump boule de mil 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaf food: things that people or animals eats.

4Proto-Hurza *ɗaf millet boule 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗaf millet ball, food boule de mil, nourriture 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɗə̄fkā boule de mil

5Proto-Margi *ɗɨfɨ millet boule 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) ɗəfə mush, boule 5.2) Margi South (Harley) dufau food 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) ɗəfa tuwo, millet boule

6Proto-Mandara *ɗafɨ millet boule 6.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗafá,-ə boule, nourriture qui se mange avec la sauce 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɗáfá couscous (m), nourriture (f) 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) ɗafa food gen.(cooked)

7Proto-Mofu *ɗaf millet boule 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗàf fufu boule 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗɑf ball of millet couscous, staple food boule de mil, nourriture de base 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) ɗaf food; meal; boule repas; boule 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗaf boule (f.) de mil 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗaf food nourriture 7.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗaf nourriture 7.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗaf sorghum ball "boule de mil" (fr. d'Afrique) ; nourriture

8Proto-Maroua *ɗaf millet boule 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗaf(Mj), ɗaf (Mt, Mv) nourriture, repas, manger (boule de mil plus sauce) 8.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗaf boule

9Proto-Lamang *ɗafa millet boule 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗafa millet boule 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗafa sorghum mush, food la boule

10Proto-Higi *ɗafa millet boule 10.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɗafa food 10.2) Kirya (Blench) ɗàfà food 10.3) Bana (Lienhard) ɗàfà nourriture
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ɗawɨk n. goat chèvre (15 groups, 42 languages) C
This is a well-attested Proto-Central Chadic root. The evidence for the initial *ɗ is limited. It is only present in Mofu-Gudur and Cuvok. In Sukur and the Maroua group it has the reflex *ʔ, and in the Musgum group it has the reflex *j, both of which are unestablished changes. In Mafa it has fused with *w to become /ɓ/, a common sporadic process. In Podoko, Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of *ɗ has been compensated for by the addition of a prefixed /n/, which is a common sporadic process in these languages. In many groups the *w has fused with the *k to create *kʷ. The *k or the *kʷ has also changed to *hʷ in the Bata and Daba groups, *gʷ in the Lamang group and *ɣʷ in the Kotoko Centre group. None of these changes are established as regular changes.

1Proto-Bata *ɨhʷɨ goat chèvre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀hʷá - ə goat 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə Chèvre 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə chèvre 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahʷe le chèvre

2Proto-Daba *ŋhʷa goat chèvre 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre

3Proto-Mafa *ɗawɨk goat chèvre 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɓakʷ, ɓakʷaj, ɓakʷij haj chevre 3.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɓókʷ chèvre 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗakʷ goat chèvre

4Proto-Sukur *ʔɨjɨkʷ goat chèvre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) ʼijuk goat; an animals with horns and a coat of hairs, that lives as demostic. 4.2) Sukur (David) ijukʼ goat

5Proto-Hurza *awak goat chèvre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) awak goat chèvre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwāk goat chèvre

6Proto-Margi *kʷi goat chèvre 6.1) Bura (Blench) kʷi Goat 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) ku goat 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) kʷa/ku goat

7Proto-Mandara *ɗawak goat chèvre 7.1) Matal (Branger) awak goat chèvre 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nawá,-ə chèvre 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náwime chèvre (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) nawe goat 7.5) Glavda (Owens) aag goat 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) áːgʷa goat 7.5.2) Glavda (Owens) dwág goat

8Proto-Mofu *ɗawak goat chèvre 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āwák goat chèvre 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑwɑk goat chèvre 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) awak goat chèvre 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) awak chèvre f. 8.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) awák chèvre f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wak goat chèvre 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awak goat chèvre 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗakʷ goat chèvre (nom gén.), caprin

9Proto-Maroua *ʔawɨ goat chèvre 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼaw chèvre 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) aw chèvre 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) aw goat chèvre 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼawu chèvre 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) áwūʼ goat chèvre

10Proto-Lamang *agʷɨ goat chèvre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ógò goat 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) gu goat la chèvre

11Proto-Higi *kʷɨ goat chèvre 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kʷə 1.goat.2.hearsay. 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kʷo goat 11.3) Kirya (Blench) goat 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) kʷə goat 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) kʷə̀ chèvre

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *nɣʷa goat chèvre 12.1) Mser (Allison) nɣo goat chèvre

13Proto-Kotoko South *awa goat chèvre 13.1) Zina (Odden) àwà goat chèvre

14Proto-Musgum *jawak goat chèvre 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jek chèvre 14.2) Mbara (Tourneux) we he-goat bouc 14.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jaw chèvre

15Proto-Gidar *hawa goat chèvre 15.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hawa chèvre 15.2) Gidar (Schuh) hawa chèvre
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ɗiɬ nm. bone os (14 groups, 43 languages) B syn: kɨrakaɬ ʸ.
This widely-attested root is close to the root *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg', but the presence of *i in the root rather than a final *j makes a big difference to the reflexes in individual languages. The initial *ɗ is realised as *t in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua, an unestablished change. It has been lost in many groups, triggering compensatory reduplication in the Mandara and Kotoko South groups, and in some Mofu group languages. It has fused with the *i in the Tera and Higi groups to create a palatalised glottal or a velar implosive. In the Kotoko North and South groups it has fused with the *ɬ to create an ejective. These fusion processes are common sporadic changes. The *ɬ is expected to have the reflex *ɮ in the groups of the South sub-branch, but for this root it is only the case in the Bata group. Within the Bata group there is a subsequent change *ɮ to *l. In the Margi group and in Mandara and Malgwa in the Mandara group, *ɬ has become palatalised by processes originating with *i, and *ɬʲ has then been velarised to /hʲ/ as part of a regular process. Regular processes give *ɬ the reflexes *s in the Proto-Kotoko South and Mser, /ʃ/ in Mpade and /h/ in Buduma. In Mser the /ʃ/ is due to the effect of the front vowel on *s.

1Proto-Bata *iɮɨ bone os 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) uule bone 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ìlá -ə bone. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ilən Os 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) allə os 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) iɮe l'os

2Proto-Mafa *taɬ, ɬaɬar bone os 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) táɬ os 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬaɬar bone os

3Proto-Tera *ɠɨɬi bone os 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɠəɬ bone 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) qu̱ɬi bone 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ela bone

4Proto-Sukur *taɬ bone os 4.1) Sukur (David) taɬ bone 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) taɬ bone; any of the hard parts that form the skeleton of the body of a human and an animal.

5Proto-Margi *ɗaɬɨ ʸ bone os 5.1) Bura (Blench) ɗjàhù Bone 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ɗihji bone

6Proto-Mandara *ɬaɬi bone os 6.1) Matal (Branger) aɬaɬ bone os 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬaɬa,-ə os 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hjáhjé os (m) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) hjehje bone 6.5) Glavda (Owens) ła bone 6.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɬàɬa bone 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬaɬa bone

7Proto-Mofu *ɨtaɬ bone os 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àɬàɬ bone os 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑɬɑt bone os 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aɬaɬ os 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) atáɬ os m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ataɬ bone os 7.6) Merey (Gravina) mətaɬ bone os 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətaɬ bone os 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàɬ os

8Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ bone os 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) os, arrête 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ bone os 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaʼaɬ os

9Proto-Higi *ʔʲiɬɨ bone os 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjithlə bone 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) iɬa bone 9.3) Kirya (Blench) íɬə́ bone 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) éɬêr os (pl.) 9.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjíɬə́ os

10Proto-Kotoko Island *ahaj bone os 10.1) Buduma (McKone) ahaj bone os

11Proto-Kotoko North *enslʼi bone os 11.1) Afade (Allison) enɬʼi bone os 11.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃí bone os 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ bone os

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *eɬi bone os 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) aɬɨ bone os 12.2) Mser (Allison) enʃi bone os

13Proto-Kotoko South *asisʼɨ bone os 13.1) Zina (Odden) àsàsə̀ bone os 13.2) Mazera (Allison) asisʼe bone os

14Proto-Gidar *ɬaŋɬaŋ ʸ bone os 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɬeŋɬeŋ os 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) ɬeᵑgɬeᵑg os
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ɗɨjɨkʷ n. bird oiseau (9 groups, 31 languages) A
This is the generic term for a small bird. The initial *ɗ is attested in most groups. In Sukur, Margi South, Kilba, Mandara, Margi and Bana the *ɗ and *j have fused to create /ʔʲ/, which is a common sporadic process. In the Tera group the *j has probably been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody, and in Bura and Dghwede it has been reanalysed as a vowel. The labialisation on the *kʷ is reconstructed on the basis of its presence in the Margi group, with support from the Higi, Maroua and Mofu groups. The reason for the development of *ŋʷ in the Mofu group is unclear.

1Proto-Mafa *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɗijak oiseau. nom gén. des petits oiseaux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗijak bird oiseau

2Proto-Tera *ɗiki bird oiseau 2.1) Tera (Newman) ɗiki bird 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) djika bird

3Proto-Sukur *ʔʲak bird oiseau 3.1) Sukur (David) ʼjak bird 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼjak bird;- is a general term for flying birds.

4Proto-Margi *ɗɨjakʷ bird oiseau 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɗíká Bird 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ʼikji bird 4.3) Margi South (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4) Kilba (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) ʼjaku/ə bird

5Proto-Mandara *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 5.1) Matal (Branger) ɗəjaŋ, ɗijaŋ bird oiseau 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗija,-a oiseau 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ƴie oiseau (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ɠjije bird gen. 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɗìːka bird 5.5.1) Glavda (Owens) ďií bird 5.6) Dghwede (Frick) tʼiᵑge bird

6Proto-Mofu *ɗɨjɨŋʷ bird oiseau 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗēŋʷ oiseau 6.2) Muyang (Smith) eɗiŋ bird (general word) oiseau (mot général) 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɗəjen bird oiseau 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗijeŋ oiseau m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dijiŋ bird oiseau 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗijiŋ bird oiseau 6.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗijaŋ oiseau (nom gén.)

7Proto-Maroua *ɗɨjɨw bird oiseau 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗiju(w) oiseau (en général) 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗijew bird oiseau 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗijaw oiseau

8Proto-Lamang *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗíjáká bird 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗijak bird l'oiseau

9Proto-Higi *ɗɨjɨkʷɨ bird oiseau 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ijo bird 9.2) Kirya (Blench) íkə́ bird 9.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjìgʷù oiseau
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ɗɨjɨm nm. water eau (17 groups, 53 languages) A
The *ɗ is reconstructed on the evidence from the Bata, Tera, Hurza, Kotoko South and Musgum groups. In all of these groups there is evidence for a glottal element, in most cases [ʔ]. In the Tera group the *ɗ and *j have fused to form /ɗʲ/.

1Proto-Bata *maʔi water eau 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) màʼínə water 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) maʼi Eau 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) maʼi eau

2Proto-Daba *jɨm water eau 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm water eau 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm colour couleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm juice jus 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm water eau 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm colour couleur 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) jim water eau 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) jə̄m l'eau

3Proto-Mafa *jam water eau 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) jam water eau 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jam water eau

4Proto-Tera *ɗʲɨm water eau 4.1) Tera (Newman) ƴim water 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗjim water 4.3) Hwana (Harley) āːmá water

5Proto-Sukur *jam water eau 5.1) Sukur (David) ijam water, rain 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) jam water

6Proto-Hurza *aʔam water eau 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aʼam water eau 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āhʷám water eau

7Proto-Margi *jimi water eau 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) ʼimi water 7.2) Margi South (Harley) imi water 7.3) Bura (Blench) jimi Water

8Proto-Mandara *jɨwɨ water eau 8.1) Matal (Branger) jːāw water eau 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) jəwá,-ə eau, jus 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) jawe eau (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) jawe water 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) jùwa water 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) íi water 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) ju water, color 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) jiwe water

9Proto-Mofu *jam water eau 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) jàm water eau 9.2) Muyang (Smith) jam water ; colour ; interest l'eau; couleur; intérêt 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) jam water eau 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) jam eau f. 9.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) jam l' eau 9.6) Merey (Gravina) jam water eau 9.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam water eau 9.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam juice jus 9.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) jàm eau 9.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) jam water eau ; jus

10Proto-Maroua *jam water eau 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) jam water eau 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) jam eau

11Proto-Lamang *imi water eau 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) ímí water 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) imi water l'eau

12Proto-Higi *jame water eau 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) jame water 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jemji water 12.3) Kirya (Blench) jàmə́ water 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) jemú water 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) jàm eau

13Proto-Kotoko Island *amaj water eau 13.1) Buduma (McKone) amaj water eau

14Proto-Kotoko North *ame water eau 14.1) Afade (Allison) ame water eau 14.2) Mpade (Allison) àmé water eau 14.3) Malgbe (Allison) am water eau

15Proto-Kotoko Centre *am water eau 15.1) Lagwan (Allison) am water eau 15.2) Mser (Allison) am water eau

16Proto-Kotoko South *aʔɨm water eau 16.1) Zina (Odden) ámí water eau 16.2) Mazera (Allison) aʔɨm water eau

17Proto-Musgum *ʔɨjam water eau 17.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jem eau 17.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼam water 17.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jamu eau
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ɗɨɬɨj nm. egg œuf (16 groups, 50 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This is one of the most widely attested roots that have been reconstructed. There is significant variety in the realisations, where we can see evidence of most of the significant processes that have taken place in Central Chadic. In the Daba and Musgum groups there has been metathesis of the *ɗ and the *ɬ, and in the Higi group there has been metathesis of the *ɬ and *j. Metathesis is common, but not predictable. In the Maroua and Musgum groups, the *ɗ has become *t, though this change has not been established as a regular change. In many groups the *ɗ has been lost, and this has triggered compensatory reduplication in the Mafa, Margi and Lamang groups, and compensatory prefixation in the Daba group. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Margi and Proto-Maroua, and as a vowel in Proto-Bata, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Lamang. These processes are all common, but not predictable. The *ɬ has become *ɮ in the languages of the South sub-branch, i.e. Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, as part of a regular process, though not in the Mafa group. There is a subsequent regular change *ɮ to /l/ within the Bata group. In the Margi group and Glavda from the Mandara group, the *j or the palatalisation prosody has created *ɬʲ, which is then velarised as part of a regular sporadic process affecting palatalised alveolar consonants, resulting in /hʲ/. *ɬ is realised as /s/ in the Kotoko South group and Mser, and as /ʃ/ in Mpade, both of which are regular processes. The prenasalisation found in some of the Kotoko groups is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *ɗaɮi egg oeuf 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àlínə egg. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) alin Oeuf 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) alli oeuf, oeux 1.4) Bata (Boyd) ɗùùle egg

2Proto-Daba *naɮɨɗ ʸ egg oeuf 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) neɬe egg œuf 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑnɬi egg œuf 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) miɬiɗ egg œuf 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) nèɮī ʼ l'oeuf

3Proto-Mafa *ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɬaɬaj oeuf 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬeɬej egg œuf

4Proto-Sukur *ɗaᵑgaɮaj egg oeuf 4.1) Sukur (David) ⁿdaŋaɮaj egg 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaᵑgaɮai egg

5Proto-Hurza *ɬaj egg oeuf 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɬaj egg(s) oeuf, oeux 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɮáj egg oeuf

6Proto-Margi *ɬɨɬɨ ʸ egg oeuf 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) ihji egg 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) hjihji egg(s) 6.3) Bura (Blench) hihi Egg

7Proto-Mandara *ɗɨɬɨja egg oeuf 7.1) Matal (Branger) ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬɨɬe,-i oeuf 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬájá oeuf (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) thlaja egg(s) 7.5) Glavda (Owens) çi egg, testes 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) çìːja egg 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬəɬe egg

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨɬɨj egg oeuf 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɬàɬáj egg oeuf 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɬeɬeɗ egg oeuf 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɬèɬé oeuf m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aɬaj egg œuf 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɬéɬēɗ oeuf 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɬeɬéɗ oeuf

9Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ egg oeuf 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) oeuf 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ egg œuf 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) aɬaj œuf

10Proto-Lamang *ɬiɬi egg oeuf 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɬíɬí eggs 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɬiɬik egg l'oeuf

11Proto-Higi *jɨɬɨ egg oeuf 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɬiɬə egg 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jəɬe egg 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɬìɬí kòntə́ká egg 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɬìɬì oeufs

12Proto-Kotoko North *enɬɨ egg oeuf 12.1) Afade (Allison) enɬo egg œuf 12.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃó egg œuf 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ egg œuf

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *enɬɨ egg oeuf 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) nɬɨ egg œuf 13.2) Mser (Allison) ensɨ egg œuf

14Proto-Kotoko South *nsi egg oeuf 14.1) Zina (Odden) nsí egg œuf

15Proto-Musgum *ɮat ʸ egg oeuf 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) eŋɮe oeuf 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ŋɮa egg 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) ɮet oeuf

16Proto-Gidar *ɗaᵑgɮa ʸ egg oeuf 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) ɗeᵑgɮe/e oeuf 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɗeŋle, ɗeŋleɗe oeuf, oeufs
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ɗɨwah nf. breast sein (13 groups, 42 languages) A
The basic sense of the root is 'breast', but in many languages it is also covers the concept 'milk'. The history of the root is complicated due to the fact that all three of the consonants in the root are prone to reanalysis or loss. The initial *ɗ is only retained in some languages of the Mofu and Maroua groups. In many cases it has fused with the *w to create either *ʔʷ or *ɓ, which is a common sporadic process. It has been lost in the Mafa and Kotoko Centre groups. The final *h has been lost in the majority of languages, but is retained in the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. When the *w has not fused with *ɗ, it is retained.

1Proto-Bata *ʔʷa breast sein 1.1) Bata (Boyd) wàto uncooked fresh milk, lait cru 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʼwánə (inher. poss., body part) breast, milk 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) wan lait 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) ʼwa sein, lait 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) ʼwakən le lait

2Proto-Daba *ʔʷa breast sein 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) breast; milk; udder sein; lait; pis, mamelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋʼwɑ udder; breast; milk mamelle; sein (mamelle); lait 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wa udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle)

3Proto-Mafa *wa breast sein 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wa sein 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle

4Proto-Tera *ɓiɓi breast sein 4.1) Tera (Newman) ɓuɓu, ɓiɓi breast, fem. 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɓiɓi breast

5Proto-Sukur *ʔʷa breast, milk sein, lait 5.1) Sukur (David) ʼwa breast 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼwa breast; milk:- is a milk from the breast of either human female and animals.

6Proto-Margi *ʔɨwa breast sein 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʼùwà Woman’s breast 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼwa breast, milk 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼwa breast 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) ʼwa breast; milk

7Proto-Mandara *wɨɓa breast sein 7.1) Matal (Branger) awa breast sein 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓa,-a sein; lait 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ube mamelle (f), sein (m), tétine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuɓe breast, female 7.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːɓa breast 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) wupʼa breast, milk

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨwah breast sein 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗūwá breast; milk sein; lait 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗuwɑ breast ; milk lait; mamelle; sein 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ɗwa lait; sein (mamelle) 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) àwàh lait m.; sein m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awah breast sein (mamelle) 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗəwá sein, mamelle, pis; lait

9Proto-Maroua *ɗɨwa breast sein 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗuwa lait, sein, mamelle 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗuwa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼwa sein, lait 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) wāʼ breast sein

10Proto-Lamang *ɗɨwa breast sein 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) úɓá breast, milk 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) uʼa breast le sein

11Proto-Higi *ʔʷa breast sein 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uwo breast (women's) 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʼwá breast, milk 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwá lait, sein

12Proto-Kotoko North *eʔʷi breast sein 12.1) Afade (Allison) eʔwi breast sein (mamelle) 12.2) Maltam (Allison) eᵐbi breast sein (mamelle)

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *iwi breast sein 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) iwi breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle
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gɨr v. grow grandir (12 groups, 32 languages) A
The basic meaning is to grow with age, as a child does. It can also be used in many languages for rearing livestock. The *r has the reflex *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, and also Proto-Daba. The *g has the reflex *ɣ in Proto-Hurza, and *k in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi. These are unestablished changes.

1Proto-Bata *gɨr grow grandir 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gərə grow, mature, become tall. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) gərən Grandir ; 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a gəlkən grandir

2Proto-Daba *gɨl grow grandir 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl grow up grandir 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl raise élever 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ᵑgɑl grow old devenir vieux 2.1.3) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑ̀l ᵐbò bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl grow up grandir 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl enlargen agrandir 2.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl raise élever 2.2.3) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl domesticate, tame domestiquer, apprivoiser 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡəl grow up grandir 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəɡil bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) gə̄l grandir, croître ; élever 2.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) gə̀là protèger ; élever

3Proto-Mafa *gɨra grow grandir 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gəla grow up grandir 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gal ⁿda bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)

4Proto-Tera *gor grow grandir 4.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gori grow up 4.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gor grow (of plants)

5Proto-Sukur *gɨr grow grandir 5.1) Sukur (Thomas) gər grow; to increase in size, to become bigger or taller and develop into an adult, to become longer by not cutting it.

6Proto-Hurza *ɣɨra grow grandir 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) har to grow bigger grandir 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣə̀rà grow ; increase grandir ; croître 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) gə̀rà raise cattle ; rear cattle élever_le_bétail 6.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣàlà grow old ; age vieillir

7Proto-Margi *kila grow grandir 7.1) Bura (Blench) kila To grow

8Proto-Mandara *gɨla grow grandir 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) gə́la grandir 8.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gélá nourrir, élever

9Proto-Mofu *gɨl grow grandir 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gə̄léŋ raise animals éléver le bétail ; nourrir 9.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑl bring up ; feed élever 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) magla coaguler 9.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) magla éléver 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) gar grow up grandir; grossir 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) gə̀l bá devenir grand, grandir, grossir 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gəl grow up grandir 9.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) megəle éléver 9.7) Merey (Gravina) gəl grow up grandir 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej grow up grandir 9.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mégə̀lèj grandir, pousser, élever 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl raise grandir, pousser, élever (un enfant, un animal) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl (fig.) devenir grave, aggraver

10Proto-Maroua *gɨl grow grandir 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) gil grandir, faire grandir, élever, engraisser 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gəl grow up grandir 10.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gla goɗ bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)

11Proto-Lamang *gɨla grow grandir 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) gla grow 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) galaj to raise élever 11.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) gəlaj to grow grandir 11.2.2) Hdi (Bramlett) halaj to grow old vieillir

12Proto-Higi *kɨl grow grandir 12.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kəlo grow (of plants) 12.2) Kirya (Blench) kə̀l nurse, grow 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) k(ə̀)lì grandir, croître, faire grandir, augmenter les paroles, élever les animaux
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gɨʔʷ n. hole trou (4 groups, 11 languages) C syn: vɨgɨɗ ʸ.
This root is found in the Nigerian Plains area. It is reconstructed with *ʔʷ, though this phoneme is not reconstructed for Proto-Central Chadic. As such it represents a provisional reconstruction until more data is available. The *g has the reflex *k in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi, both of which are unestablished changes.

1Proto-Bata *gɨʔʷ hole trou 1.1) Bata (Boyd) gʷe hole 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) guʼun Le trou 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) gʷəʼə trou

2Proto-Tera *gʷa hole trou 2.1) Tera (Newman) gʷa hole 2.1.1) Tera (Newman) gʷa obtain 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) gʷa den, lair, hole 2.2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ge hole

3Proto-Margi *kaʔʷ hole trou 3.1) Bura (Blench) ku Hole in the ground 3.2) Margi South (Harley) kàu hole 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) kaʼu hole

4Proto-Higi *kɨʔʷ hole trou 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hole; nest 4.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣàw hole 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) kə́ʼú trou san issue
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gʷavan nm. spitting cobra cobra cracheur (6 groups, 14 languages) A
This root is attested in the Mandara Mountains area. The labialisation of *gʷ has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua. The final *n is [ŋ] in almost all languages, most of which have this change as a regular feature. However in the Mofu group languages, word-final *n should have the reflex *r. This implies that the root has been borrowed into the Mofu group.

1Proto-Daba *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡovoŋ spitting cobra cobra 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) gòvòm naja (espèce de serpent noir qui jette la salive)

2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨvan cobra cobra 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) guvaŋ spitting cobra cobra

3Proto-Hurza *gʷavan cobra cobra 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gulguvon cobra cobra crachant 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ fìgè